scholarly journals CONSERVADORISMO COMO DIRETRIZ: O QUE O CONTEÚDO E O LÉXICO DO ENCARTE «NOSSAS CONVICÇÕES» DIZEM SOBRE O JORNAL ‘GAZETA DO POVO’

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-196
Author(s):  
Luciane Leopoldo Belin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Central Element ◽  
Digital Age ◽  
The State ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Lexical Analysis ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Traditional Family ◽  
The Right ◽  
New Phase

This article analyses 28 articles of a manifesto that launched a new phase for the Brazilian newspaper Gazeta do Povo, and officially presented its political opinion on various social, moral, religious and political issues. Mannheim's concept and its applications in the current Brazilian reality, as well as a brief discussion about the transformations of journalism in the digital age, this article uses a methodology divided in two parts —content analysis combined with lexical analysis— to understand what are the characteristics of contemporary conservative thinking present in the material in question. The presence of a critical discourse to the positions of progressive movements such as feminist and LGBTI+, the recurrence of arguments against the right to abortion and the defense of maintaining the concept of the traditional family are some of the results found in the analysis, which also identified the presence of a concern with aspects related to entrepreneurship. In the analyzed content, the idea of «family» appears as a central element and religion, recurrent aspect within the considered content, is associated with the State much more than the rights and autonomy of women.

scholarly journals Muslim Personal Laws and the Accommodation of Minorities: The Need to Better Balance Individual Rights and Group Autonomy in Singapore

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (7) ◽  
pp. 1079-1095
Author(s):  
Noor Aisha Abdul Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Minority Community ◽  
Muslim Minority ◽  
The Right ◽  
Personal Law ◽  
Muslim Minorities ◽  
Direct Incorporation

AbstractThe accommodation of religious personal law systems is an issue that has arisen in many countries with significant Muslim minorities. The types of accommodations can range from direct incorporation into the state legal system to mere recognition of religious tribunals as private organs. Different forms of accommodation raise different types of legal, social, and political issues. Focusing on the case of Singapore, I examine one form of accommodation which entails the direct incorporation of this law regulating marriage, divorce, and inheritance for Muslims into the state system. Administered by the Administration of the Muslim Law Act, 1966, the Muslim law binds Muslims unless they abjure Islam. The resulting pluralistic legal system is deemed necessary to realize the aspirations of and give respect to the Muslim minority community, the majority of whom are constitutionally acknowledged as indigenous to the country. This Article examines the ramifications of this arrangement on the rights and well-being of members of this community in the context of change. It argues that, while giving autonomy to the community to determine its personal law and advancing group accommodation, the arrangement denies individuals the right to their choice of law, a problem exacerbated by traditionalism and the lack of democratic process in this domain. Consequently, the Muslim law pales in comparison to the civil law for non-Muslims. The rise of religious resurgence since the 1970s has but compounded the problem. How the system can accommodate the Muslim personal law without compromising the rights of individual Muslims is also discussed.

scholarly journals Who is 'New Zealand'? Publics in Aotearoa/New Zealand General Election Discourse

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ian Anderson
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Public ◽  
Aotearoa New Zealand ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Right

<p>2011 saw the lowest voter turnout in Aotearoa/New Zealand since women won the right to vote (Vowles, 2014). This decline in participation aligns with trends elsewhere in the Anglosphere (Ailes, 2015; Hansard, 2015). This organic crisis poses new questions for notions of the ‘public sphere’ and ‘publics’ – the forms of political engagement with citizens in a mass-mediated society. Fraser (1990) contends that in theorising the “limits of actually existing late capitalist democracy” (p. 57), we need a notion of pluralised and contesting ‘publics’ (ibid). The project asks how political parties named the 'public' (or publics) in the 2011 and 2014 Aotearoa / New Zealand General Elections. In order to consider the dominance of these political articulations, research will also consider whether these invocations of 'the public' found coverage in the national press. This is not intended as a sociological examination of actually existing publics, but an examination of dominant encoding (Hall, 2001). This analysis tests the thesis that dominant cross-partisan electoral discourses defined the 'public' in terms of dual identification with productive work and capital, in opposition to named subaltern publics. This formulation suggests that workers are called to identify with capital, following from Gramsci’s (2011) theorisation of bourgeois hegemony. Research begins with a content analysis of party press releases and mainstream coverage during the 2011 & 2014 General Elections, when official discourses hailing 'the public' are intensified. Content analysis quantifies nouns used for publics – for example, 'taxpayer', 'New Zealander', or even 'the public'. From this content analysis, the project proceeds to a critical discourse analysis, which seeks to historically contextualise and explain the patterns in content. Reworking Ernesto Laclau's (2005a) theorisation of populism to factor in the left/right axis (which Laclau considered outmoded), this critical discourse analysis considers what 'public' alliances are articulated, and what political programmes these articulations serve.</p>

“BRAINWASHING FOR THE RIGHT REASONS WITH THE RIGHT MESSAGE”: IDEOLOGY AND POLITICAL SUBJECTIVITY IN BLACK ORGANIZING

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 401-420
Author(s):  
Chaniqua D. Simpson ◽  
Avery Walter ◽  
Kim Ebert
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Black Youth ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Subjectivity ◽  
Police Reform ◽  
Police Violence ◽  
Primary Documents ◽  
The Right ◽  
Depth Interviews

Media outlets and academics often oversimplify and mischaracterize current manifestations of Black mobilization as a movement that opposes police violence against Black men, supports police reform, and desires assimilation and integration into the state. In reality, however, the movement is much more complex. We examine how Black Youth Project 100 (BYP100), a prominent organization in the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL), creates, teaches, and negotiates ideology. Drawing on fieldwork with Black organizers involved in the M4BL, in-depth interviews and conversations with Black organizers, and a content analysis of primary documents from the movement, we find that rather than promote assimilation, Black organizers use intersectional ideology to socialize members into an understanding of a racialized state. This socialization allows members to develop political subjectivity that not only challenges the state but also transforms their everyday lives and relationships.

„Salz in der Suppe“ oder „Klimakiller“? Empirische Befunde zum Wandel der parlamentarischen Streitkultur nach dem Einzug der AfD in die deutschen Landtage

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 622-638
Author(s):  
Jürgen Maier
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
German State ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Alternative Für Deutschland ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
German States ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Right

In order to analyze whether the entry of the right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) into parliaments has changed parliamentary debate culture a content analysis of budget debates for the period 2012-2017 is conducted, where the frequency of interruptions and the use of uncivil utterances during the speaker’s interruption in seven German state parliaments are measured before and after the entry of the AfD . The measured changes to developments in the two German states where the AfD did not succeed in moving into the state parliament are compared . The frequency of interruptions - and thus the conflictual nature of parliamentary debates - has increased as a result of the presence of the AfD . However, there are no indications that the increase in incivility is related to the entry of the AfD into the state parliaments . The likelihood of the AfD’s confrontational appearance increases with its parliamentary significance (e .g ., the share of seats) . By contrast, it is irrelevant for the appearance of the AfD in parliamentary debates whether they are more movement-oriented or more parliament-oriented .

scholarly journals HAK PEREMPUAN MENIKAH TANPA WALI DALAM PANDANGAN IMAM SYAFI’I DAN IMAM JA’FARI

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
M. Khoirul Hadi al-Asy Ari ◽  
Adrika Fithrotul Aini
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Classical Literature ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
The Right ◽  
Legal Marriage

A Woman’s Right to Marry without a Guardian According to Imam Syafi’i and Imam Ja’Fari To marry without a guardian and the issue of the marriage guardian are legal marriage issues that always  arouse debate among Muslims. In classical literature, “it seems” women do not have the right to marry without a guardian. This paper examines whether women have the right to marry without a guardian and the  issue of guardians. This matter not explained explicitly or in detail by the Prophet resulting in a multiplicity  of interpretations. Religious leaders and schools of thought, as well as the State, discuss and examine these issues from a variety of perspectives. This paper explains the view of Imam Shafi’i and Iman Ja’fari, based on content analysis ond library-based research. This study looks firstly at patterns of thought and socio-cultural life according to Imam Shafi’i and Imam Ja’fari. Secondly, it discusses their views on the women’s right to marry without a guardian. Lastly, it explores the implications of their thought on the practice of women marrying without a guardian in Indonesia.

scholarly journals Who is 'New Zealand'? Publics in Aotearoa/New Zealand General Election Discourse

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ian Anderson
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Public ◽  
Aotearoa New Zealand ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Right

<p>2011 saw the lowest voter turnout in Aotearoa/New Zealand since women won the right to vote (Vowles, 2014). This decline in participation aligns with trends elsewhere in the Anglosphere (Ailes, 2015; Hansard, 2015). This organic crisis poses new questions for notions of the ‘public sphere’ and ‘publics’ – the forms of political engagement with citizens in a mass-mediated society. Fraser (1990) contends that in theorising the “limits of actually existing late capitalist democracy” (p. 57), we need a notion of pluralised and contesting ‘publics’ (ibid). The project asks how political parties named the 'public' (or publics) in the 2011 and 2014 Aotearoa / New Zealand General Elections. In order to consider the dominance of these political articulations, research will also consider whether these invocations of 'the public' found coverage in the national press. This is not intended as a sociological examination of actually existing publics, but an examination of dominant encoding (Hall, 2001). This analysis tests the thesis that dominant cross-partisan electoral discourses defined the 'public' in terms of dual identification with productive work and capital, in opposition to named subaltern publics. This formulation suggests that workers are called to identify with capital, following from Gramsci’s (2011) theorisation of bourgeois hegemony. Research begins with a content analysis of party press releases and mainstream coverage during the 2011 & 2014 General Elections, when official discourses hailing 'the public' are intensified. Content analysis quantifies nouns used for publics – for example, 'taxpayer', 'New Zealander', or even 'the public'. From this content analysis, the project proceeds to a critical discourse analysis, which seeks to historically contextualise and explain the patterns in content. Reworking Ernesto Laclau's (2005a) theorisation of populism to factor in the left/right axis (which Laclau considered outmoded), this critical discourse analysis considers what 'public' alliances are articulated, and what political programmes these articulations serve.</p>

scholarly journals Between the state and civil society: Anti-corruption discourse of movements and non-governmental organisations in Russia

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 39-67
Author(s):  
Marina Makarova
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Single Agent ◽  
The State ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Research Results ◽  
Transparency International

Abstract The main objective of the article is to define the main strategies of discourse of an anti-corruption civil society (ACS) and to analyse functioning of its main models, which are presented by the activity of three organisations: The All-Russia People's Front, the Transparency International–Russia, and the Anti-Corruption Foundation. For this analysis, we selected the content analysis and critical discourse analysis of anti-corruption investigations and used other documents demonstrating the organisations’ activities. According to the research results, all three models exist in Russia but their correlation is asymmetric. All-Russia People's Front acts on behalf of the state as the main anti-corruption agent. Transparency International presents itself as a part of the global anti-corruption movement based on the principles of professionalism and political independency. The Anti-Corruption Foundation declares that state authorities are corrupt and therefore cannot fight against corruption using adequate measures. The asymmetry of the models presented is determined by the lack of checks and balances in the country, where the state presents itself as the single agent of curbing corruption and creates fictive anti-corruption civil society.

scholarly journals The State of Jefferson Secession Movement “Keepin’ it Rural”

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Pullara ◽  
Maura Large
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Framing Theory ◽  
The State ◽  
Northern California ◽  
Rural Region ◽  
Current State ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Variables

The current “State of Jefferson” movement is comprised of residents of a large rural region encompassing much of Northern California and Southern Oregon, where many inhabitants claim the right to statehood. Since its origins in 1941, the State of Jefferson remains an obscure movement for most scholars and is simply labeled a regionalist movement. While Jefferson possesses every factor of a secession movement, including economic and socio-political variables, the complexity of its ideology and identity has not been studied. This study aimed to answer the question, “How do those who claim to represent the State of Jefferson secession movement describe Jeffersonian identity and characterize the ideology of the movement? Under the guidance of framing theory, which states that “media, as well as individuals, frame issues according to their own views and values” (M’Bareck 9), a content analysis of ten Facebook accounts was used to provide unfiltered and authentic rhetoric espoused by the movement. Results indicated that the movement is driven by agrarianism, possesses conservative, yet libertarian values, and embraces an ideology of Jeffersonianism reflected in the name of the state. While remaining closely tied to their ideology, Jeffersonian self-identification is also rooted in the rural nature of the region in which they reside.

Metodologi Pengeluaran Fatwa di Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Johor

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-88
Author(s):  
Mohd Faez Mohd Shah ◽  
Norhidayah Pauzi
Keyword(s):  
Literature Review ◽  
Research Methods ◽  
Research Methodology ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Field Research ◽  
The State ◽  
Original Source ◽  
Interview Methods ◽  
The Right

In the discipline of Islamic law research, strong proofing and clear Istinbat method are key pillars in the construction of Islamic law based on the application of the science of usul al-fiqh and maqasid al-shari'ah. However, what happens at the state of Johor’s fatwa institution is the opposite. The fatwa research methods applied by the Fatwa Committee of Johor in resolving current fatwa issues is not based on the right and true discipline of Islamic law research. In fact, current inputs related to fatwa issues are not explicitly stated in the method of determining the law either in the form of reality or scientifically verified. Therefore, this paper will discuss the fatwa procedures undertaken by the Fatwa Committee of Johor based on the methods applied in resolving current issues. The research methodology adopted is library and interview methods. This study shows that fatwa management and production in the state of Johor is placed under the jurisdiction of the Mufti of Johor’s Department. The methods adopted by the Fatwa Committee of Johor covers two methods, namely: internal research methods including literature review through the application of original source and proofs based on syarak. Second: field research method that includes an external review or going to the location of study such as conducting observation, questionnaires and interviews including referrals to specialists of different fields. Maslahah and mafsdah consideration are also implemented by the Fatwa Committee in every fatwa decision based on the standard that meets the interests of maqasid al-shari'ah. Keywords: Metode, fatwa, istinbat, usul al-fiqh, maqasid al-shari’ah ABSTRAK Dalam disiplin penyelidikan hukum Islam, kekuatan pendalilan dan kaedah istinbat yang jelas merupakan tunggak utama dalam pembinaan hukum Islam berasaskan kepada aplikasi ilmu usul al-fiqh dan maqasid al-shari’ah. Namun begitu, apa yang berlaku di institusi fatwa negeri Johor adalah sebaliknya. Kaedah penyelidikan fatwa yang diaplikasi oleh Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Johor dalam menyelesaikan isu fatwa semasa tidak berasaskan kepada disiplin penyelidikan hukum Islam yang tepat dan sebenar. Malahan input-input semasa yang berkaitan dengan isu fatwa juga tidak dinyatakan secara jelas dalam kaedah penentuan hukum sama ada dalam bentuk realiti yang berlaku atau pembuktian secara saintifik. Justeru, kertas kerja ini akan membincangkan prosedur fatwa Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Johor berdasarkan metode-metode yang diaplikasi dalam menyelesaikan isu-isu yang bersifat semasa. Metodologi kajian yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah melalui metode perpustakaan dan metode lapangan. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahawa pengurusan dan pengeluaran fatwa di negeri Johor hanya terletak di bawah bidang kuasa Jabatan Mufti Johor. Metode fatwa yang diamalkan oleh Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Johor merangkumi dua metode iaitu pertama, kaedah penyelidikan dalaman yang merangkumi kajian kepustakaan menerusi pengaplikasian dari sumber asas dan dalil-dalil syarak. Kedua, kaedah penyelidikan lapangan yang meliputi kajian luaran atau turun ke lokasi kajian seperti observasi, soal selidik dan temubual dan rujukan kepada pakar dalam bidang yang berlainan. Pertimbangan maslahah dan mafsdah juga dimplementasikan oleh Jawatankuasa Fatwa dalam setiap keputusan fatwanya berasaskan standard yang menepati kepentingan maqasid al-shari’ah. Kata kunci: Metode, fatwa, istinbat, usul al-fiqh, maqasid al-shari’ah

When the State Speaks, What Should It Say?

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corey Brettschneider
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
The State ◽  
Hate Groups ◽  
New Approach ◽  
State Action ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Theory Of Value ◽  
The Right ◽  
Equal Citizenship ◽  
The Ideal

How should a liberal democracy respond to hate groups and others that oppose the ideal of free and equal citizenship? The democratic state faces the hard choice of either protecting the rights of hate groups and allowing their views to spread, or banning their views and violating citizens' rights to freedoms of expression, association, and religion. Avoiding the familiar yet problematic responses to these issues, this book proposes a new approach called value democracy. The theory of value democracy argues that the state should protect the right to express illiberal beliefs, but the state should also engage in democratic persuasion when it speaks through its various expressive capacities: publicly criticizing, and giving reasons to reject, hate-based or other discriminatory viewpoints. Distinguishing between two kinds of state action—expressive and coercive—the book contends that public criticism of viewpoints advocating discrimination based on race, gender, or sexual orientation should be pursued through the state's expressive capacities as speaker, educator, and spender. When the state uses its expressive capacities to promote the values of free and equal citizenship, it engages in democratic persuasion. By using democratic persuasion, the state can both respect rights and counter hateful or discriminatory viewpoints. The book extends this analysis from freedom of expression to the freedoms of religion and association, and shows that value democracy can uphold the protection of these freedoms while promoting equality for all citizens.

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