scholarly journals Semantische Kämpfe im Kampf um die Wähler. Zur diskursiven Konstruktion rechtspopulistischer Deutungsmuster

2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Izabela Kujawa
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Social Knowledge ◽  
The Political ◽  
First Person ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Collective Knowledge ◽  
Political Narrative ◽  
Wing Patterns ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Right

<p>The struggle to establish certain patterns of interpretation in collective social knowledge is fought by means of semantics. Collective knowledge and at the same time certain meanings are linguistically constructed. In this respect, a “dispute about the matter” can be viewed as a “dispute about words”, that is, a semantic battle (Felder, 2006, p. 1). In this sense, power is exercised through semantics. The subject of this paper is the analysis of the right-wing patterns of interpretation in the political discourse of the 21st century, in fact polyphonic first-person narrators, an attempt at capturing its typical features and at reconstructing the right-wing political narrative on the nation/Volk promoted by politicians during their meetings with voters.  </p>

scholarly journals Eastern policy of Mengu-Timur (1266-1282)

2020 ◽  
pp. 66-75
Author(s):  
Igor' Vladimirovich Antonov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Chronological Order ◽  
Sequence Of Events ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Mongol Empire ◽  
The Right ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

The object of this research is the political history of the Ulus of Jochi as a part of the Great Mongol Empire. The subject of this is the Eastern policy of Mengu-Timur &ndash; the 6th ruler of the Ulus of Jochi (1266-1282). The author examines such aspects of the topic as the relationship of Mengu-Timur with the rulers of the uluses of Hulagu &ndash; Abaga, Chagatay &ndash; Borak, Ugedei &ndash; Kaidu, decisions made by the representatives of the uluses of Jochi, Chagatay and Ugedei in Talas Kurultai. Special attention is given to the analysis of relationship between Mengu-Timur and the ruler of the Central Ulus of Kublai, who founded the Yuan Empire. Comparative analysis is conducted on the written sources and scientific works on the topic. The sequence of events is reconstructed in chronological order. The author agrees with his predecessors that Mengu-Timur became the first sovereign ruler of the Ulus of Jochi. The scientific novelty consists in the conclusion that entitlement of Mengu-Timur as independent monarch was not a decision of Talas Kurultai. In Talas Kurultai in 1269 Kaidu was recognized as the leader of the right wing of the Mongol Empire, which included the Ulus of Jochi, Chagatay and Ugedei. The relations with the Great Khan in Kurultai were not settled, and the independence of uluses was not proclaimed. In the early 1370s, Mengu-Timur was named qayan, i.e. the supreme ruler above the khan. In 1277, Kublai's sons Numugan and Kukju were caught by the rebels, who sent them to Mengu-Timur. He did not support the rebels, but kept the son of Kublai. Since that moment, Mengu-Timur did was not subordinate to Kublai or Haidu, did not interfere into the conflict between them, restraining both of them from military clashes. Although Mengu-Timur maintained peaceful relations with other uluses, he was qayan title was not recognized.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

The Spanish Church and The Revolutionary Republican Movement, 1930–1931

1962 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 430-439
Author(s):  
José M. Sánchez
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Nineteen Thirties ◽  
Republican Movement ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Realities ◽  
The Church

Few subjects in recent history have lent themselves to such heated polemical writing and debate as that concerning the Spanish Church and its relationship to the abortive Spanish revolution of 1931–1939. Throughout this tragic era and especially during the Civil War, it was commonplace to find the Church labelled as reactionary, completely and unalterably opposed to progress, and out of touch with the political realities of the twentieth century.1 In the minds of many whose views were colored by the highly partisan reports of events in Spain during the nineteen thirties, the Church has been pictured as an integral member of the Unholy Triumvirate— Bishops, Landlords, and enerals—which has always conspired to impede Spanish progress. Recent historical scholarship has begun to dispel some of the notions about the right-wing groups,2 but there has been little research on the role of the clergy. Even more important, there has been little understanding of the Church's response to the radical revolutionary movements in Spain.

The Israeli–Lebanese war of 2006: consequences for Lebanon

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-210
Author(s):  
Ziad Hafez
Keyword(s):  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Major Consequence ◽  
Political Narrative ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Impact

This article focuses on the political narrative in Lebanon before and after the Israeli war against Lebanon in 2006. It revolves around the subject of national unity as a sine qua non condition for success for the Lebanese resistance led by Hezbollah. A major consequence of the narrative on national unity is the need to build a modern state and establish a cohesive defence policy. The paper also examines the impact of the war on Lebanon's economy and on its relations with the rest of the world (the USA, France, Syria, Arab countries, and Iran).

scholarly journals Images of A.F. Kerensky and the Political Struggle in 1917 (based on the newspapers of A.A. Suvorin)

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 834-883
Author(s):  
Boris I. Kolonitskii
Keyword(s):  
Visual Images ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Personal Authority ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Cultural Forms ◽  
The Right

The article examines the cultural forms of legitimation / delegitimation of authority of the Provisional Government. Particular attention is paid to the personal authority of Alexander Kerensky, including rhetorical (persuasive) devices and visual images which underlay the tactics of praising or condemning him. As the main source, the article uses the newspapers of A.A. Suvorin, namely Malen'kaya gazeta [Little newspaper], Narodnaya gazeta [People’s newspaper], Rus' [Rus], Novaya Rus' [New Rus]. These newspapers are compared with resolutions, letters and diaries, and with publications in other periodicals. The study clarifies some aspects of political isolation of the Provisional Government in the fall of 1917. By this time, the propaganda attack on Kerensky was conducted not only by the Bolsheviks and other left-wing groups but also by the right-wing and conservative publications. The propaganda of the left- and right-wing opponents was significantly different but they had a point of contact: both of them created the image of the “traitor” who was unworthy to remain in power.

Black Politics in South Africa Today

1990 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-13
Author(s):  
Joe Latakgomo
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Black Politics ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Minority Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
White Minority

The political scene in South Africa today is perhaps one of the most complex in the modern world. The easiest analysis would be to have the white minority government on the one hand, and the back resistance and liberation organizations ranged against it on the other. Unfortunately, it is not that easy. The white minority itself is torn by divisions and differences in ideology, with essentially two divisions into the right-wing and the centrists. Both camps, however, are themselves divided into various notches on the scale to the right, but never beyond to the left of centrist. That position has been reserved for black politics, which is also positioned at various points on the scale to the left.

Leaving

Jimmy Reid ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 159-192
Author(s):  
W.W.J. Knox ◽  
A. McKinlay
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Political ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Road ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Power Base ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Right

The chapter explores his vain attempts to be elected as a full-time national official of the AEU defeated by the right-wing of the union’s leadership. It also exposes the organisational deficiencies of Reid; a man capable of motivating and inspiring workers but unable to build a mass power base within the political or industrial arenas. It also discusses critically Reid’s narrative concerning the road to leaving the CPGB as well as the reception to his decision both within the media and among the party membership. We contend that international events such as the Prague invasion were secondary influences, rather we argue it was events nearer to home that were more influential. Thus, we discuss how the rejection of the concept of the revolutionary party by the CPGB in favour of broad-based parliamentary alliances narrowed the ideological chasm between communists and the Labour left. Indeed, the only issue dividing them was the continued support by the former for the Soviet Union; something that Reid had begun to reject. The other factor was his dissatisfaction with party democracy. Reid left in 1976 and joined the Labour Party two years later. Fast tracked by the left he stood as Labour candidate in 1979 in Dundee where he suffered the same fate as in 1974.

The People: Ethnoracial Configurations, Old and New

2020 ◽  
pp. 79-96
Author(s):  
Leila Brännström
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Northern Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Association ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Point Of Departure

In recent years the Sweden Democrats have championed a clarification of the identity of the ‘the people’ in the Instrument of government. The reference, they argue, should be to the ethnic group of Swedes. This chapter will take this ambition to fix the subject of popular sovereignty as the point of departure for discussing some of the ways in which the contemporary anti-foreigner political forces of Northern and Western Europe imagine ‘the people’ and identify their allies and enemies within and beyond state borders. To set the stage for this exploration the chapter will start by looking at Carl Schmitt’s ideas about political friendship, and more specifically the way he imagines the relationship between ‘us’ in a political and constitutional sense and ‘the people’ in national and ethnoracial terms. The choice to begin with Schmitt is not arbitrary. His thoughts about the nature of the political association have found their way into the discourse of many radical right-wing parties of Western and Northern Europe.

Romania

2019 ◽  
pp. 388-434
Author(s):  
Laurențiu Ștefan
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Party System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right

In Romania, a highly segmented and extremely volatile party system has contributed to a predominance of coalition governments. Alternation in power by coalitions led by either left-wing or right-wing parties used to be a major feature of Romanian governments. Thus, until a short-lived grand coalition in 2009, ideologically homogeneous coalitions were the general practice. Since then, parties from the right and left of the political spectrum have learned to work together in government. Given the semi-presidential nature of the political regime and the exclusive power to nominate the prime minister, the Romanian president plays an important role in coalition formation. The president also plays a pivotal role by shadowing the prime minister and therefore influencing the governance of coalitions. She has the power to veto ministerial appointments and therefore she can also shape the cabinet line-up. Pre-election coalitions are a common feature, more than two-thirds of Romanian coalition governments have been predicated on such agreements. Coalition agreements dealt with both policy issues and coalition decision-making bodies and the governance mechanisms that have been in most cases enforced and complied with—until the break-up of the coalition and the downfall of the respective government. One very common decision-making body is the Coalition Committee, which has been backed on the operational level by an inner cabinet made up of the prime minister and the deputy prime ministers, which usually are the heads of the junior coalition parties.

scholarly journals IX. On the fossil remains of a long-tailed bird ( Archeopteryx macrurus , Ow.) from the lithographic slate of Solenhofen

1863 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 271-273 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
British Museum ◽  
Lower Portion ◽  
Consecutive Series ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Fossil Remains ◽  
Caudal Vertebrae ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Right

The author details the circumstances connected with the discovery of the fossil remains, with the impressions of feathers, in the Lithographic slates of Solenhofen, of the Oxfordian or Corallian stage of the Oolitic period, and of the acquisition for the British Museum of the specimen which forms the subject of his paper. The exposed parts of the skeleton are,—the lower portion of the furculum; part of the left os innominatum; nineteen caudal vertebræ in a consecutive series; several ribs, or portions of ribs; the two scapulæ, humeri, and antibrachial bones; parts of the carpus and metacarpus, with two unguiculate phalanges, probably belonging to the right wing; both femora and tibiæ, and the bones of the right foot.

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