scholarly journals Ambush Marketing and Rule 40 for Tokyo 2020: A Shifting Landscape for Olympic Athletes and Their Sponsors

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-122
Author(s):  
Steve McKelvey ◽  
John Grady ◽  
Anita M. Moorman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Olympic Athletes ◽  
Ambush Marketing ◽  
Legal Challenges ◽  
The Us ◽  
Marketing Activities ◽  
Potential Impact ◽  
Legal Frameworks ◽  
Regulatory Landscape

This study explores the historical development of the regulatory landscape related to Olympic and Paralympic athlete marketing activities, together with current restrictions imposed on athlete marketing, and discusses potential legal challenges to these restrictions. Specifically, this study analyzed various countries’ Rule 40 Tokyo 2020 guidance through a trans-national lens by comparing and contrasting the different approaches found in various national Olympic committees’ legal frameworks to combat ambush marketing. The potential legal challenges to the United States Olympic Commititee’s enforcement of new Rule 40 guidance are highlighted, with particular focus on discussing the restrictions and enforcement rights contained within the personal sponsor commitment agreement within the United States for the postponed Tokyo 2020 Games. Critical analysis of the potential impact of enforcing this agreement within the broader Olympic intellectual property and brand protection frameworks for Olympic stakeholders in the US is provided.

Back to the future of digital price display: Analyzing patents and other archives to understand contemporary market innovations

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franck Cochoy ◽  
Bastien Soutjis
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
Body Parts ◽  
Cost Constraints ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Future ◽  
History Of ◽  
Legal Frameworks

The article explores reasons for the lack of success of digital electronic shelf labels (ESLs) in US retail settings. It suggests that these reasons can be traced by referring to the triple meaning of ‘digital’: ‘Digital’ now means electronic, but the word also long encompassed numerals – a digit is a number – and body parts – digitus is the Latin word for the finger, that is, the index we use to point at things or manipulate them. The current fate of ESLs is linked to a long history that combined these three dimensions. The study unfolds along a twofold narrative. First, it reviews the recent introduction of ESLs in the United States based on the reading of papers and advertisements published in Progressive Grocer, a leading trade press magazine. Then, it goes ‘back to the future’ by exploring the roots of ESLs over a century. This historical study is based on the analysis of the evolution of US price tag patents (through a network study of patents citations and their evolution); the network analysis is complemented with the history of the US price tag market (through the knowledge gained from Progressive Grocer). The results show that digital price fixing depends on past and present systems and infrastructures, cost constraints and payback schemes, legal frameworks, and social projects.

Introduction to Incomplete Commodification and Its Creeping Counterpart

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Ram ◽  
Stéphanie Hennette Vauchez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Lived Experiences ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Norms ◽  
Human Tissues ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Law ◽  
Legal Frameworks

This chapter provides an overview of incomplete commodification and its creeping counterpart. The course of commodification of human tissues—including blood, sperm, and eggs—is both the same and opposite for the United States and Europe. The law on the ground in each system may be quite different, but the lived experiences of individuals providing these body products are becoming increasingly similar. Within both systems, compensation for human transplantable organs—and at least some tissues—is proscribed by law. Even where the law does not formally proscribe remuneration for body product providers, many continue to donate without payment. But monetary exchange also appears in both systems to some degree. In Europe, even though voluntary unpaid donation remains the norm, most systems allow forms of compensation. Moreover, the US prohibition on profit-seeking in body products is only partial. These similarities in policy and practices might appear commonsensical, yet they also reflect a remarkable convergence in international norms despite substantially different background assumptions and legal frameworks.

scholarly journals Modeling Possible Outcomes of Updated Daily Values on Nutrient Intakes of the United States Adult Population

Nutrients ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 210
Author(s):  
Jill Newman ◽  
Michael McBurney ◽  
Kelly Hunt ◽  
Angela Malek ◽  
Bernadette Marriott
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Adult Population ◽  
Life Sciences ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fortified Foods ◽  
Health And Nutrition ◽  
The Us ◽  
Usual Intake ◽  
Packaged Foods ◽  
Potential Impact

The United States (US) Food and Drug Administration has updated the Daily Values (DVs) for the Nutrition Facts Label on packaged foods. We used the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey 2009–2012 data with the International Life Sciences Institute, North America Fortification Database, which identifies intrinsic, mandatory enriched, and fortified sources of nutrients in foods and beverages, to model the new DVs’ potential impact on adult (≥19 years of age) intake. We assumed that manufacturers will adjust voluntary fortification to maintain percent DV claims. We assessed the percent of the US population whose usual intake (UI) was < the Estimated Average Requirement (EAR), and ≥ the Upper Limit (UL) based on the current DVs, and modeled estimated UI and %<EAR with the new DVs (Updated DV) for 12 micronutrients. Modeling for vitamins B12, A, B6, riboflavin, niacin, thiamin, and zinc predicts fewer voluntarily fortified foods and reduced adult UI. Assuming manufacturers add more vitamins C and D and calcium to foods, the Updated DV predicts the adult UI will increase for these nutrients. Our modeling predicts a 15% reduction in overall adult vitamin A intake, a recognized “shortfall nutrient” and that even with the increased DV for vitamin D, 70% of US adults are predicted to have an intake <EAR.

scholarly journals Quantifying the impact of lifting community non-pharmaceutical interventions for COVID-19 during vaccination rollout in the United States

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Matrajt ◽  
Holly Janes ◽  
Joshua T Schiffer ◽  
Dobromir Dimitrov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mathematical Model ◽  
Small Proportion ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Potential Impact ◽  
Nonpharmaceutical Interventions ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Pharmaceutical Interventions

Abstract Using a mathematical model, we estimated the potential impact in mortality and total infections of completely lifting community nonpharmaceutical interventions when only a small proportion of the population has been fully vaccinated in two states in the US. Lifting all community nonpharmaceutical interventions immediately is predicted to result in twice as many deaths over the next 6 months than a more moderate reopening allowing 70% of pre-pandemic contacts.

The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
The Relationship

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.

‘To see oursels as ithers see us’: Reflections on Scottish Independence from the United States

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Scottish Diaspora

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.

Palestine Unbound

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Task Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The Us ◽  
Intention To Move ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
The U.S

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.

Against Slave Power? Slavery and Runaway Slaves in Mexico-United States Relations, 1821–1857

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South ◽  
Runaway Slaves ◽  
The Us ◽  
El Alto ◽  
Upper South ◽  
Lower South

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.

Pathways to Legalization: Undocumented Mexican Immigrants in the US/Mexico Borderlands, 1942–1956

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Family Relationships ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
Extended Family ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Immigrant ◽  
Agricultural Laborers ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Contract Laborers

In the 1940s, curbing undocumented Mexican immigrant entry into the United States became a US government priority because of an alleged immigration surge, which was blamed for the unemployment of an estimated 252,000 US domestic agricultural laborers. Publicly committed to asserting its control of undocumented Mexican immigrant entry, the US government used Operation Wetback, a binational INS border-enforcement operation, to strike a delicate balance between satisfying US growers’ unending demands for surplus Mexican immigrant labor and responding to the jobs lost by US domestic agricultural laborers. Yet Operation Wetback would also unintentionally and unexpectedly fuel a distinctly transnational pathway to legalization, marriage, and extended family formation for some Mexican immigrants.On July 12, 1951, US president Harry S. Truman’s signing of Public Law 78 initiated such a pathway for an estimated 125,000 undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers throughout the United States. This law was an extension the Bracero Program, a labor agreement between the Mexican and US governments that authorized the temporary contracting of braceros (male Mexican contract laborers) for labor in agricultural production and railroad maintenance. It was formative to undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers’ transnational pursuit of decisively personal goals in both Mexico and the United States.Section 501 of this law, which allowed employers to sponsor certain undocumented laborers, became a transnational pathway toward formalizing extended family relationships between braceros and Mexican American women. This article seeks to begin a discussion on how Operation Wetback unwittingly inspired a distinctly transnational approach to personal extended family relationships in Mexico and the United States among individuals of Mexican descent and varying legal statuses, a social matrix that remains relatively unexplored.

Changes in Perceptions of Filipino Immigrants about Themselves and of Americans Before and After Coming to the United States

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gremil Alessandro Naz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Symbolic Interaction ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Appraisal Theory ◽  
American Values ◽  
The Us ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Symbolic Interaction Theory ◽  
Filipino Immigrants

<p>This paper examines the changes in Filipino immigrants’ perceptions about themselves and of Americans before and after coming to the United States. Filipinos have a general perception of themselves as an ethnic group. They also have perceptions about Americans whose media products regularly reach the Philippines. Eleven Filipinos who have permanently migrated to the US were interviewed about their perceptions of Filipinos and Americans. Before coming to the US, they saw themselves as hardworking, family-oriented, poor, shy, corrupt, proud, adaptable, fatalistic, humble, adventurous, persevering, gossipmonger, and happy. They described Americans as rich, arrogant, educated, workaholic, proud, powerful, spoiled, helpful, boastful, materialistic, individualistic, talented, domineering, friendly, accommodating, helpful, clean, and kind. Most of the respondents changed their perceptions of Filipinos and of Americans after coming to the US. They now view Filipinos as having acquired American values or “Americanized.” On the other hand, they stopped perceiving Americans as a homogenous group possessing the same values after they got into direct contact with them. The findings validate social perception and appraisal theory, and symbolic interaction theory.</p>

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