scholarly journals Twitter and Institutional Change

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 79-96
Author(s):  
Adriana Farias

Should we take tweets from politicians seriously? This paper argues that tweets sent out from the accounts of the top political actors are important because they are framed within a worldview that looks to support or challenge the legitimacy of an institutional order. As Twitter provides a direct connection between the speaker and mass audiences, it offers political leaders a platform to articulate a worldview, justify democratic or undemocratic strategies for competition, and mobilize support across frontiers to influence the perception of power structures. The relationship between discourse and institutional legitimacy is especially important in systems like Venezuela’s where authoritarian and democratic practices coexist, meaning that the legitimacy of institutions largely depends on the agency of key actors in influencing the perception of what is considered to be democratic. Therefore, this study carries out a content analysis of the tweets of the opposition and incumbent Venezuelan leaders. The results show that the incumbent’s discourse was predominantly framed within a populist worldview, which perceives politics as a zero-sum struggle between the people and a conspiring global elite, such that the incumbent’s infringements on democratic procedures were justified as an effort for emancipation from global oppressors. The opposition articulated a pluralist discourse that defended electoral competition, understood as the way to resolve the various interests and goals of a heterogeneous society, and therefore resorted to democratic strategies to challenge the incumbent’s power. Given the unprecedented reach of social media, this study highlights the extent to which Twitter contributes to materialize an interpretation of power structures, and how political elites use it to influence the legitimacy of an institutional order.

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-631
Author(s):  
Jessica Wardhaugh

Abstract In 1896 Louis Lumet despised the state and openly yearned for a “red messiah” to sweep away bourgeois culture and politics. By 1904 he was receiving state funding. This article unravels the paradox of his trajectory by focusing on the common concern that eventually united his interests with those of republican governments: the relationship between art and the people. Drawing on hitherto unknown writings by Lumet himself, as well as on little-used archives, the article explores Lumet's anarchist persona and connections in fin de siècle Paris, charts his involvement in the Théâtre d'Art Social and the Théâtre Civique, and examines his role in the state-supported Art pour Tous. The final discussion reveals areas of conflict and convergence in the perception of the people as political actors by both anarchists and the state, raising questions about the theory and practice of cultural democratization. En 1896, Louis Lumet souhaitait l'effondrement de l'Etat et l'apparition d'un Messie rouge qui balaierait et la culture et la politique bourgeoises. En 1904, il était subventionné par l'Etat. Cet article dévoile le mystère de ce personnage en interrogeant la relation entre l'art et le peuple qui attirait l'attention de Lumet ainsi que des gouvernements de la Troisième République. En s'appuyant sur les écrits peu connus de Lumet lui-même, ainsi que sur des documents d'archives, l'article met en évidence le rôle de Lumet dans les milieux anarchistes. Il retrace sa contribution aux initiatives comme le Théâtre d'art social et le Théâtre civique, et sa participation à l'Art pour tous (avec le soutien de l'Etat). Cette étude fournit la base d'une discussion plus approfondie sur la démocratisation culturelle, où les perspectives anarchistes et officielles se trouvent parfois étrangement rapprochées.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 74
Author(s):  
Khairul Azmi Mohamad ◽  
Nooraini Othman ◽  
Mazlan Ali

This paper intends to describe political psychology and the importance of the subject matter to the Malaysian politics. Political studies in Malaysia are largely based on political science, political sociology and socio-political analysis. It is a high time that political environment and issues in Malaysia to be looked upon from a psychological perspective. It is important because the discipline will allow the understanding of why political leaders think and behave in a certain manner. It will also allow the appreciation of voters’ behaviour. These perspectives will enrich our ability to understand politics from different roots. In the context of Malaysia, studying political psychology will help to enhance the understanding of many variables related to the practice of politics in this country. The interactions between politics and psychology particularly the impact of psychology to politics would be an interesting study. As far as Malaysia is concerned, a deeper understanding on political psychology will help leaders to appreciate the nerves and needs of the people and they should put every effort to fulfil their aspirations. Political psychology should help to unfold the minds of the political actors as well as the voters.


2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (6) ◽  
pp. 683-699 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Yeboah-Assiamah

Decentralization is a concept well professed by political elites in Ghana yet there has been inadequate political will to transfer actual power, authority and resources to the district assemblies. Ghana’s current decentralization was introduced in 1988 with a mesmeric mantra of ‘power to the people’, and the concept is now over two and half decades old. This paper examines the extent to which local government reform through decentralization has brought about any meaningful changed relationship between central and local governments in Ghana. This work adopts a retrospective analysis of policy documents and a critical stage review of the relevant literature on the theoretical suppositions and practical experience of decentralization practice. The appointment of assembly heads in Ghana makes the relationship a principal-agent typology. Decentralization is at best a theoretical ramification but its actual practice has been just minimal. The study provides a ‘walk-the-talk’ model that requires political will to address the key challenges of decentralization in Ghana.


Author(s):  
Carles Boix ◽  
Will Horne ◽  
Alex Kerchner

We examine the modern spread of liberal democracy, a phenomenon that was accompanied by unprecedented levels of economic development. We outline two differing accounts of the relationship between the two: one in which democratization is driven primarily by changes in normative beliefs, and another in which changes in payoffs to political actors produce democracy as a political equilibrium. The relationship between democracy and development is examined with updated panel data, covering a period from the early nineteenth century through the first decade of the twenty-first century. The analysis demonstrates a positive impact of economic development on subsequent democratic transitions, but no apparent effect of democracy on subsequent economic growth. We conclude by discussing the current literature and potential directions for research, including recent efforts to ascertain the preferences of political elites towards democracy more precisely.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marino De Luca

AbstractIn recent years, many scholars, mainly those focusing on populism, have analysed the role of ‘the people’ in politics. This has allowed us to understand how many political actors emphasize the central position of this term. Today, ‘the people’ has different meanings depending on how politicians use it in specific contexts. In this paper, the reference to ‘the people’ was measured using the following question: How do political leaders use the word ‘people’? The analysis was conducted on Twitter through the study of the accounts of the foremost political leaders in the UK during the 2019 general election campaign. The results highlight three key attitudes related to the use of ‘people’: a direct and immediate relationship between a leader and a wide people; a calling to a specific people, described as a strong and cohesive group; an appropriation of the voice of the people, grouping people without borders into the classic contraposition between a pure people and the corrupt elite.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Aliyu, M. Kolawole ◽  
Ikedinma Hope Amoge

This paper examined how political elites have excluded a number of people from partisan politics, and discussed the effect of the domineering role of political elites on good governance in Oyo state, Nigeria. The paper also examined the challenges that politics of exclusion pose on good governance in the study area. The study adopted primary and secondary data. For the primary data, in-depth interviews were conducted with ten purposively chosen respondents which comprised of former and serving lawmakers, party chairman, local government chairman, a labour leader, member of a social cultural group, and a serving commissioner. The secondary data was sourced from journal articles, books, newspapers and online publications. The primary and secondary data were content analyzed. The study found that political elites used the electorate to achieve their selfish political agenda; politics of exclusion is responsible for the poor participation of the people in partisan politics, undermining of democratic principles, and breeding of political violence in Oyo state, Nigeria. The study recommended that the Nigerian youths need to be more assertive to demand for accountability from political actors; while political elites should learn to do away with selfish interests. In addition, rule of law, freedom of the press and independence of the judiciary must be upheld in the country.


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 717-742 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucian N. Leustean

The relationship between Orthodox Christianity and national identity has been one of the most contended issues in modern nationalism. The dominant religion in the Balkans, Orthodoxy has transported the identity of ethnic groups into the modern era and political leaders have employed religious institutions according to their own political agendas in the construction of “imagined communities.” Orthodoxy has a particular perception of the political field. Based on the concept of symphonia, which dates back to the Byzantine Empire, the Church claims that religious and political offices are equal and have similar responsibilities. Religious and political rulers have the mission to guide the people and the Church and state should collaborate harmoniously in fostering identity. Political leaders refer to the nationalist discourse of the Church in order to induce national cohesion. From this perspective, the relationship between religion and the construction of the nation in the Orthodox space differs from that in the Catholic or Protestant world where Churches are supranational or sub-national institutions.


Author(s):  
Inge Melchior

Chapter 1 explores how historians, political elites, and cultural figures since the National Awakening have been involved in the writing of a ‘collective story of Estonians’. The chapter shows why ‘Estonia’s story’ has become an emotional story of rupture. The independence activists of the Singing Revolution, being non-political actors, have mobilized a sense of collective responsibility among the masses for creating and preserving the nation. As ‘a people’ they wrote a new national history, literally based on Estonians’ personal stories. Since the late 1990s, the intellectual and cultural elite increasingly voice a more open, critical narrative, while remaining loyal to the former independence activists and their family’s stories. In politics a fairly non-pluralist narrative of rupture prevails.


Author(s):  
Gideon Rahat ◽  
Ofer Kenig

The book examines two of the most prominent developments in contemporary democratic politics, party change and political personalization, and the relationship between them. It presents a broad-brush, cross-national comparison of these phenomena that covers around fifty years in twenty-six countries through the use of more than twenty indicators. It demonstrates that, behind a general trend of decline of political parties, there is much variance among countries. In some, party decline is moderate or even small, which may point to adaptation to the changing environments these parties operate in. In others, parties sharply decline. Most cases fall between these two poles. A clear general trend of personalization in politics is identified, but there are large differences among countries in its magnitude and manifestations. Surprisingly, the online world seems to supply parties with an opportunity to revive. When parties decline, personalization increases. Yet these are far from being perfect zero-sum relationships, which leaves room for the possibility that other political actors may step in when parties decline and that, in some cases, personalization may not hurt parties; it may even strengthen them. Personalization is a big challenge to parties. But parties were, are, and will remain a solution to the problem of collective action, of channeling personal energies to the benefit of the group. Thus they can cope with personalization and even use it to their advantage.


Author(s):  
Caroleen Marji Sayej

After 2003, the national discussion about the relationship between religion and politics has been plagued with uncertainty because religious actors moved to the forefront of the democratic state-building process, causing confusion for Iraqis and outside observers alike. In particular, the emergence of the grand ayatollahs as political actors served to entwine religion with politics in new and important ways. The post-2003 state-building process brought into the open what had long been the practice of Iraqi political leaders—the calculated use of religion as a tool for achieving strategic goals. This choice must be understood in the context of the complex relationship between religion and politics in the Arab and Muslim world, which is normally focused on the role of sharia and jurisprudence. This chapter delves into the complex debates about Islam and democracy in Iraq and beyond, with consideration to the vague dictates of interpretation in Islam.


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