Power to the People! How far has the Power Gone to the People? A Qualitative Assessment of Decentralization Practice in Ghana

2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (6) ◽  
pp. 683-699 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Yeboah-Assiamah

Decentralization is a concept well professed by political elites in Ghana yet there has been inadequate political will to transfer actual power, authority and resources to the district assemblies. Ghana’s current decentralization was introduced in 1988 with a mesmeric mantra of ‘power to the people’, and the concept is now over two and half decades old. This paper examines the extent to which local government reform through decentralization has brought about any meaningful changed relationship between central and local governments in Ghana. This work adopts a retrospective analysis of policy documents and a critical stage review of the relevant literature on the theoretical suppositions and practical experience of decentralization practice. The appointment of assembly heads in Ghana makes the relationship a principal-agent typology. Decentralization is at best a theoretical ramification but its actual practice has been just minimal. The study provides a ‘walk-the-talk’ model that requires political will to address the key challenges of decentralization in Ghana.

Author(s):  
Bumke Christian ◽  
Voßkuhle Andreas

This chapter discusses the democracy principle as articulated in Art. 20 of the Grundgesetz (GG). Art. 20 para. 2 GG defines democracy in this manner: ‘All state authority is derived from the people. It shall be exercised by the people’. GG associates the concept of democracy with the concept of the state. Although the Federal Constitutional Court has avoided any reference to the principle of democracy, it has interpreted some fundamental rights in light of the principle. The chapter first considers the Court's jurisprudence regarding political will formation in a representative democracy, focussing on cases dealing with voting rights of foreigners, elections to district assemblies, popular referendum, and public-information campaigns. It then examines cases relating to exercise of state authority, with emphasis on the position of Parliament in relation to other branches of government, forms of democratic legitimation, and functional self-government.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
Kun Budianto

Islam is a religion perfect and comprehensive, it should have a major role in the political life of a country. To go toward the integration of society, the state and the Islamic ijtihad is needed that will provide guidance for parliamentarians or politicians in explaining hujahnya in politics. And the interaction of Muslims living in the modern world with the political will give new experiences and challenges towards a just and prosperous society. A clean and healthy politics will increase public confidence, especially in Indonesia that Islam is indeed manage all aspects from the economic, social, military, cultural to political. Political institutions in Islam, among others, consists of the concepts of the constitution, legislation, shura and democracy and also the ummah. Islam made ​​in the constitution is in order as the guidelines and rules of the game in the relationship between government and the people. Legislation created to deal with affairs of state and government set a law that will be enforced and implemented by people. While the shura and democracy are two interrelated things, shura is in deliberation and democracy also emphasizes the element of deliberation. And the ummah or community can be defined nation, people, people, communities and so on. It could be said that the people of an organization are bound by the rules of Islam.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 79-96
Author(s):  
Adriana Farias

Should we take tweets from politicians seriously? This paper argues that tweets sent out from the accounts of the top political actors are important because they are framed within a worldview that looks to support or challenge the legitimacy of an institutional order. As Twitter provides a direct connection between the speaker and mass audiences, it offers political leaders a platform to articulate a worldview, justify democratic or undemocratic strategies for competition, and mobilize support across frontiers to influence the perception of power structures. The relationship between discourse and institutional legitimacy is especially important in systems like Venezuela’s where authoritarian and democratic practices coexist, meaning that the legitimacy of institutions largely depends on the agency of key actors in influencing the perception of what is considered to be democratic. Therefore, this study carries out a content analysis of the tweets of the opposition and incumbent Venezuelan leaders. The results show that the incumbent’s discourse was predominantly framed within a populist worldview, which perceives politics as a zero-sum struggle between the people and a conspiring global elite, such that the incumbent’s infringements on democratic procedures were justified as an effort for emancipation from global oppressors. The opposition articulated a pluralist discourse that defended electoral competition, understood as the way to resolve the various interests and goals of a heterogeneous society, and therefore resorted to democratic strategies to challenge the incumbent’s power. Given the unprecedented reach of social media, this study highlights the extent to which Twitter contributes to materialize an interpretation of power structures, and how political elites use it to influence the legitimacy of an institutional order.


Author(s):  
John Nkeobuna Nnah Ugoani

Organizational behaviour involves the design of work as well as the psychological, emotional and interpersonal behavioural dynamics that influence organizational performance. Management as a discipline concerned with the study of overseeing activities and supervising people to perform specific tasks is crucial in organizational behaviour and corporate effectiveness. Management emphasizes the design, implementation and arrangement of various administrative and organizational systems for corporate effectiveness. While the individuals, and groups bring their skills, knowledge, values, motives, and attitudes into the organization, and thereby influencing it, the organization, on the other hand, modifies or restructures the individuals and groups through its structure, culture, policies, politics, power, and procedures, and the roles expected to be played by the people in the organization. This study conducted through the exploratory research design involved 125 participants, and result showed strong positive relationship between the variables of interest. The study was never exhaustive due to limitations in terms of time and current relevant literature, therefore, further study could examine the relationship between personality characteristics and performance in the public sector, where productivity is not outstanding, when compared with the private sector. Based on the result of this investigation it was recommended that organizations should provide emotional intelligence programmes for their membership as an important pattern of increasing co-operative behaviours and corporate effectiveness.


Author(s):  
Nana Nimo Appiah-Agyekum

The establishment of the District Assembly Common Fund (DACF) in 1993 and concomitant percentage set aside for Members of Parliament (MPs) in 2004 aims to support local governments and legislators in pro-poor development activities in their communities and constituencies. In spite of the importance of the MPs’ share of the District Assemblies Common Fund (MPsCF) in financing local level development in Ghana, very little is known about monitoring systems and procedures on the disbursement and utilization of the funds. The study therefore assessed qualitative data derived from interviews with officials from selected Local Government Authorities (LGAs) as well as other key stakeholders in the disbursement and utilization of the fund. The study findings point to the absence of legislative instrument on the management of the MPsCF. Further, monitoring of the fund was a responsibility shared by the LGAs and other external stakeholders. Finally, the effectiveness of monitoring the disbursement and utilization of the MPsCF was strongly influenced by the relationship between the Chief Executive of the Local Government Authority (LGCE) and MPs in the local government area.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akira Kotaki ◽  
Fumio Takeda ◽  
◽  

The Great East Japan Earthquake, which occurred on March 11, 2011, was the greatest disaster in Japan since World War II. The establishment and operation of the Extreme Disaster Management Headquarters left various lessons about initial and emergency responses against future huge disasters. It is hoped that these lessons will be heeded in measures against huge disasters in Japan in the future. Based on this recognition, this study examines a specific direction in the discussion on introducing Disaster Emergency Provisions in the Constitution of Japan with a view toward huge disasters, such as Tokyo Inland Earthquake and Nankai Trough Earthquake. From the viewpoint of responses against huge disasters, there is a need to discuss what kind of Disaster Emergency Provisions are necessary in order to protect the people from huge disasters that were not considered when the Constitution of Japan was enacted. These provisions should possess a certain specificity, comprehensiveness, and flexibility, and address response measures when there is no time to await legislation by an extraordinary session of the Diet or when such measures cannot be addressed by legislation enacted during normal times. We hope that these lessons culled from initial and emergency responses to the Great East Japan Earthquake will further the discussion on special Constitutional rules on the relationship between the Cabinet and Diet or the national and local governments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Kovačević

In the space of 47 years the Albania national football team played two games at the JNA stadium in Belgrade. At both games, events with a clear political content took place. At the 1967 game, a group of about 5,000 fans supported the Albania national team, some of whom wore qeleshes as a possible marker of Albanian ethnicity. The 2014 game, which was also a European Championship qualifier, was marked by the appearance of a drone carrying the Greater Albania flag, which descended towards the pitch. As players tried to get hold of the flag, a scuffle broke out and supporters invaded the pitch, with the result that the match was suspended. In this paper, both events are interpreted within the context of other political events in the region immediately preceding and following the matches. The events at the 1967 game are compared to the demonstrations in Pristina a year later. The comparison highlights differences in the political attitudes of the masses and the elites. While the masses had clear aspirations towards the unification of all Albanians, regardless of the situation in Albania at the time and Enver Hoxha’s Stalinist regime, the elite perceived the danger of these ideas and channeled the strategy toward solutions that appeared feasible, namely, the establishment of a republic within Yugoslavia. Again, at the game 47 years later, the drone with the message of Greater Albania was not the expression of the political will of the elite, who were aware that Albania’s and Kosovo’s current political positions do not allow for the abolishing of borders. In both cases, the political elites did not explicitly reject the idea of unification, as it would be politically inopportune to reject an idea that is prevalent in the cultural intimacy of the broad masses of the people, but it was sidelined and modified into unity within the broader context of integrations and breaking down of barriers in the region and in Europe.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-182
Author(s):  
Enny Agustina

Purpose of the study: This article aimed to analyze the implementation of the regional government and administrative sanctions in Indonesian regional regulations. Methodology: The research method used is normative legal research. The data were analyzed using a qualitative descriptive technique. Main Findings: The final results showed that the type of relationship between the central and the local governments does not reduce the right of the local people to participate (freely) in the implementation of the regional government. The relationship between the central government and the regions did not diminish the rights of the people. Applications of this study: Local government sanctions and administration in Indonesian regional regulations. Novelty/Originality of this study: The task of the government is to realize the state’s objectives as formulated in the unveiling of the Constitution 1945 of the Republic of Indonesia, and this duty is a comprehensive task. This requires the regulations to direct the implementation of governance that is more in line with the expectations and needs of the community (citizen-friendly).


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 113-120
Author(s):  
Imafidon Adesuwa

This paper is a conceptual paper aimed at examining the effect of corruption on the development of vocational education in Nigeria. The paper reviews the relevant literature such as the concept, different levels, forms and origin of corruption. The concept of vocational education, the relationship between vocational education and corruption and the consequences of corruption on the development of vocational education in Nigeria are also examined. Some strategies for combating corruption and some of the efforts of the government to fight corruption were also looked at. In conclusion, a direct link between corruption and vocational education is established; some recommendations were suggested, which include that in order to reduce corruption, the government must have the political will to initiate and sustain the fight against corruption.   Keywords: Corruption practices, education, vocational education, Nigeria, development.


Author(s):  
Natalya Bobrova ◽  
Ilya Alexandrov

The article analyzes the supra-legal nature of the decrees is analyzed, by which the President of the Russian Federation implements a constitutional authority to determine the main directions of the state’s domestic and foreign policy. It is proven that the idea and concept of the draft law — it’s not the same thing: the idea of many legislative novels is initially hidden, not indicated in the concept of the bill. The concept of the bill is always positive, aimed at the future, even if the reform is unpopular. The concept of federal government reform in 2014, relying solely on democratic rhetoric, it allowed not to expose or even hide the main idea of this reform. Federal law of May 27, 2014 no. 136-ФЗ — example of legally jewelry reform, the real (hidden) idea of which differs from the concept of the law, and is also different from the rhetoric of its initiators. Local government has become an extension of state power, which is a hidden idea of reform. The stated concept of reform — proximity to the people — not realized, for there was a different purpose (hidden idea) — embedding local governments in the vertical of state power.


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