scholarly journals Addressing Russian Threat. Changes to Defence Policies of the Nordic States After 2014

Author(s):  
Zdzisław Śliwa ◽  
Eugeniusz Cieślak

The substantial deterioration of the security environment after Russian aggression against Ukraine and the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014 was a catalyst for significant changes in the Nordic states’ approach to security and defence. Common perceptions of the Russian threat focused defence policies of the Nordic states around rebuilding total defence capabilities, which would combine military and civilian efforts. Besides these efforts to reinforce national capacity to defend against an armed attack, the Nordic states increased regional security and defence cooperation, along with cooperation with NATO, the EU and the United States. The article explores the developments in defence policies of the Nordic states that were a result of changes in the security environment caused by Russian aggression against Ukraine and the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014. It tries to discuss differences in national threat assessment, and then compare and contrast unique national approaches to defence policies that were adopted by the Nordic states. The conclusion conceptualizes unique features of the Nordic approach to defence stemming from the common threat to their security.

2020 ◽  
pp. 209-236
Author(s):  
Kristian Coates Ulrichsen

This chapter documents how Qatari policymakers strengthened existing defense and security relationships with key Western partners, notably the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and other European states, as well as how ties with ‘newer’ partners, notably Turkey, China, and Russia diversified and expanded the Qatari defense and security portfolio. The chapter also examines how an indigenous strategic industrial capability emerged with the formation of Barzan Holdings, the strategic investment arm of the Qatari Ministry of Defense, and assesses what the fracturing of the GCC – and especially of the common threat perception among the six Gulf States – means for the regional security architecture more broadly.


Subject Denmark's defence policy. Significance Denmark's decision to acquire a new fleet of fifth-generation F-35 stealth joint-strike fighter jets to replace its ageing and non-stealthy fourth-generation F-16s ends a long period of uncertainty around the future of the Danish air force. The purchase of the F-35s will also solidify and deepen Denmark's political-military links to the United States and could open the door for increased cooperation with other northern European countries operating F-35s such as the United Kingdom, the Netherlands and Norway. Impacts The decision will increase the chances of Finland also selecting the F-35 in its upcoming competition to replace its current fleet of F-18s. Participation in future out-of-area operations may be limited, owing to the need to increase the share of the procurement budget. The deal will help solidify Denmark's orientation towards NATO and Washington and away from defence cooperation under the EU.


Subject Swedish and Finnish defence policy. Significance Sweden and Finland have intensified defence cooperation in recent years, most recently by signing a defence pact on July 9. This comes on top of other efforts to promote stronger Nordic defence collaboration with neighbouring Denmark and Norway, the Baltic states, as well as with the United States and NATO around regional security issues. Impacts Russia is likely to use airspace violations to test Swedish and Finnish military readiness. While Sweden and Finland will deepen collaboration with NATO, membership remains off the table for the foreseeable future. Finland supports stronger EU defence initiatives such as PESCO. Sweden has traditionally been sceptical of EU efforts but has adopted a more positive view over the past two years.


Author(s):  
O. G. Paramonov

In the face of deteriorating the regional security environment in East Asia, a noticeable growth of Japan’s defense capabilities and Tokyo’s departure from most self-restraints in the field of security policy look quite expected and natural process. At the same time, Japan continues to rely on the alliance with the United States. On the other hand, relations between Washington and Moscow are now at their lowest point since the Cold War. Japan itself has territorial claims to Russia. This means, based on confrontational logic that returns to the international agenda, that Japan’s traditionally reserved attitude towards Russia should be maintained. However, today we are witnessing a different situation. After the start of regular personal meetings between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, the dialogue is intensified on a wide range of issues, including those related to international security, and especially its regional aspect. Although certain background for that was noted before the Sochi meeting between V. Putin and S. Abe, this foreign policy turn, and, in particular, its speed, came as a surprise not only for Tokyo’s Western partners, but also for many Japanese politicians and experts. This article is devoted to the analysis of its possible causes, as well as the search for an answer to the next question.Is the dialogue between Russia and Japan a situational political maneuver or a step towards cooperation on security issues?


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 78-108
Author(s):  
M. M. Panyuzheva

The article discusses the security relations among the United States, the EU and Russia in the context of Donald Trump's populism, the change of Western political elites and the erosion of arms treaty regimes. The purpose of the article is to analyze the current state and identify the probable scenarios of relations in the triangle of the USA – the EU – Russia. The article explores the features of the Euro-Atlantic security system from 1990’s till the mid-2000’s; the concept of Euro-Atlantic security in 2008-2009; the US, the EU and Russia relations under Barak Obama and Donald Trump. As a result of a comprehensive analysis, the author comes to the following conclusions: 1) the concept of Euro-Atlantic security is still relevant. Since the NATO based security arrangements are not stabile, security interaction among the USA, the EU and Russia is growing in importance. 2) European leaders seem to be moving towards building a new security architecture and a more balanced dialogue with Russia. The EU remains the main economic partner of the Russian Federation. 3) Trump's “transactional” approach has prompted Europeans to strengthen its defense identity and seek a compromise with Russia. 4) In a multipolar world, the Euro-Atlantic regional security is no longer closed to transatlantic ties. It is important to rethink the concept towards cooperation with non-regional countries. 5) The complex game of engagement and deterrence is likely to continue in relations between Russia and the West. The more uncertain the transatlantic relations become, the more the EU and the US need Russia.The author declares absence of conflict of interests.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (54) ◽  
pp. 287-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Paterek

The Lisbon Treaty and Its Implications for French‑German Cooperation in EU’s Common Security and Defence PolicyFaced with internal and external pressures the EU’s security and defence policy has become one of the most dynamic fields of European integration. This paper describes declared ambition of Franco‑Germancooperation to strengthening the EU in European security and defence. In light of a more demanding security environment Berlin and Paris have awakened the so‑called „Sleeping Beauty of the Lisbon Treaty”, The Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), introduced by the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. They managed to find a compromise and to turn PESCO into a process as much as to create a new framework to deepen defence cooperation amongst EU Member States. The conclusions argue that the relaunch of the Franco‑German motor is key to European defence.


Author(s):  
Shatha Zaki HASSAN

The Gulf security dilemma is represented by the existence of internal and external threats that have failed to find fundamental solutions to them, and that the fact that the Gulf Cooperation Council states depend on the outside to ensure their security has become a reality after all Gulf efforts to secure a credible and self-reliant security umbrella have failed, despite the huge arsenal of weapons available. On these countries, especially Saudi Arabia. And that the United States intends to be the main actor in the details of the interactions of the Gulf security environment by building a network of different relationships that are its focus. And that the current regional security system is managed by it, and the most prominent of its mechanisms may be the strategic alliance for the Middle East, the renewal of the relationship with the allies, and a set of agreements on security arrangements and security control between the states that make up the Gulf regional system, as it entails a wide number of obligations. Keywords: Security, The Arab Gulf, The US presence, Threats, Stability.


Author(s):  
D. Ofitserov-Bel'skiy

The article discusses the evolution of the Visegrad partnership. It never had integrative capacity, but in recent years accumulated the integration potential in regional relations. The common position formation principles in international policy are being carried out by the Visegrad Four. Notable is the emergence of really important issues and explicit politicization of the agenda. The defense theme, the problem of energy security, coordination of positions on the EU budget etc. were included into discussions. At the same time, exacerbated contradictions exist in these areas. Key factors currently affecting the development of the Visegrad Group are: the confrontation of great powers in the region, the inert nature of relationship between the Visegrad countries and the United States, the anarchy in European policy, the prevalence of extra-regional conditions and incentives, the lack of specific regional rules and the void of its institutionalization. The Ukrainian crisis once again emphasizes the importance of the regional policy external actors – the U.S., Germany, Russia and the Brussels EU bureaucracy. It was the cause of the schism emerging in East European politics, and slowed down the process of the intra-regional incentives formation as well as of the communications concentration. It is forcing the Visegrad countries to grasp their limitrophe position. A perspective of the Visegrad partnership is unclear, but it is noteworthy that regional relations become increasingly important for their participants.


Subject Brexit and international security. Significance Brexit in any form will make defence and security cooperation between the United Kingdom and the EU more difficult. While intelligence-sharing and security cooperation are likely to continue, even if in a more cumbersome form, there is a high likelihood of declining defence cooperation and a divergence of UK and EU defence efforts. Impacts Brexit will force EU member states to build up their military. The United Kingdom and Ireland will strengthen security cooperation over fears of a return to violence in Northern Ireland. The United Kingdom may be excluded from security arrangements between the EU and external actors such as China and the United States.


Significance The Zapad-2017 exercises, held in Belarus and north-western Russia, ended without incident on September 20. They underlined Moscow's capacity to wage conventional war in Europe and its ability to deploy large number of troops in Belarus at short notice. Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenka and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin attended different parts of the exercises in their own countries, symbolising (even if inadvertently) the gulf between them. Impacts The scale and relevance of the Zapad exercises will encourage the United States to strengthen its presence on NATO's eastern fringes. The Eastern Partnership offers the EU and Belarus a framework for building closer ties. Ukraine will seek opportunities for greater defence cooperation with NATO, although accession is not an option.


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