scholarly journals Indonesia’s Prospects As World Class Maritime Power

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rangga Setiawan ◽  
Stella Paschalina

The possession of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) allows a country to enhance their bargaining position. This approach is coercive rather than peaceful. The idealistic approach using “peaceful” methods to deter the national security threats remains valuable, however, especially for Indonesia as a maritime nation. Indonesia has three factors which obstruct its development as a maritime power. First, there are limited regulations regarding the condition of “secure” regional security in ASEAN. Second, there are limited military funds. Finally, the sea level conditions in the Indonesia waters (known as brown and green sea) are not conducive to naval development. One solution is to leverage the Indonesia Military’s international relations to enhance national maritime power. Keywords: Weapon of Mass Destruction, Maritime Power, Internationalism

Author(s):  
Iryna Alekseenko

One of the main features of international political and legal development is the unresolved problem of national security of the state and international security. This is particularly relevant in the current globalized environment, when the economy, informatization and democratization of international relations create unprecedented opportunities for development, but at the same time increase the vulnerability of the system to terrorism, the use of weapons of mass destruction, etc. Scientists of our time are faced with urgent tasks, the solution of which allows the study of the problems of state creation, especially such important determinants of this process as legal regulation in the field of national and international security of the state in the context of globalization. Proceeding from this,scientific researches in this context, in which the basic principles of organization of national and international security are systematically revealed, are expedient and timely


Recent Literature on Sanctions - Iraq Under Siege: The Deadly Impact of Sanctions and War, Anthony Arnove, ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: South End Press, 2000), 216 pp., $40 cloth, $16 paper. - “The Effect of Iraqi Sanctions: Statistical Pitfalls and Responsibility,” Amatzia Baram, Middle East Journal 54 (Spring2000), pp. 194–223. - United Nations Sanctions Management: A Case Study of the Iraq Sanctions Committee, 1990–1994, Paul Conlon (Ardsley, N.Y.: Transnational Publishers, 2000), 350 pp., $115 cloth. - Iraq and the War of Sanctions: Conventional Threats and Weapons of Mass Destruction, Anthony H. Cordesman (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1999), 712 pp., $75 cloth. - The Sanctions Decade: Assessing UN Strategies in the 1990s, David Cortright and George A. Lopez, eds. (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000), 274 pp., $17.95 paper. - The Sanctions Paradox: Economic Statecraft and International Relations, Daniel W. Drezner (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 362 pp., $59.95 cloth, $24.95 paper. - Sanctioning Saddam: The Politics of Intervention in Iraq, Sarah Graham-Brown (London: I. B. Tauris, 1999), 400 pp., $35 cloth. - Economic Sanctions and American Diplomacy, Richard N. Haass, ed. (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Books, 1998), 220 pp., $17.95 paper. - Honey and Vinegar: Incentives, Sanctions, and Foreign Policy, Richard N. Haass and Meghan L. O'Sullivan, eds. (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2000), 168 pp., $39.95 cloth, $16.95 paper.

2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-192

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 109-141
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Wątor

The article outlines reasons for the significant increase of the hazard posed by weapons of mass destruction in the current decade. Despite the international community’s efforts made throughout the years, it has not been possible to eliminate them, significantly lower their arsenal or prevent their building or transfer. What has increased is the importance of weapons of mass destruction, especially nuclear ones, as a force factor in international relations. This tendency will probably continue in the foreseeable future. Therefore, the article focuses on explaining the mechanisms of this process and its connections with numerous events and facts influencing international security. Special significance is ascribed to a precise estimation of the risk posed by weapons of mass destruction and determination of its hierarchy. Moreover, the article presents the forms and methods of the activities undertaken by countries and international organisations regarding the prevention of proliferation (via disarmament treaties and informal forums) and assesses their effectiveness.


Asian Survey ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baohui Zhang

The U.S.-China military space relationship has been driven by the security dilemma in international relations. China pursues military space capabilities in part to counter perceived national security threats posed by the U.S. quest for space dominance and missile defense. However, the current strategic adjustment by the Obama administration and the altered situation at the Taiwan Strait have moderated the bilateral security dilemma, offering an opportunity for arms control in outer space.


The United Nations is a vital part of the international order. Yet this book argues that the greatest contribution of the UN is not what it has achieved (improvements in health and economic development) or avoided (global war or the use of weapons of mass destruction). It is, instead, the process through which the UN has transformed the structure of international law to expand the range and depth of subjects covered by treaties. The book offers the first sustained analysis of the UN as a forum in which and an institution through which treaties are negotiated and implemented. Chapters are written by authors from different fields, including academics and practitioners, lawyers and specialists from other social sciences (international relations, history, science), professionals with an established reputation in the field, and younger researchers and diplomats involved in the negotiation of multilateral treaties and scholars with a broader view on the issues involved. The volume provides unique insights into UN treaty-making. Through the thematic and technical parts, it also offers a lens through which to view challenges lying ahead and the possibilities and limitations confronting this understudied aspect of international law and relations.


2001 ◽  
Vol 100 (648) ◽  
pp. 323-329
Author(s):  
Jack Mendelsohn

The Bush administration's national security policies, if fully and unilaterally implemented, will severely stress United States relations with Russia and China. … These policies would also deal a serious blow to the international treaty regimes developed over the past 30 years to control the spread of weapons of mass destruction and that continue to enjoy universal support and approval.


Author(s):  
I. Saienko ◽  
А. Iefimenko ◽  
O. Rozmaznin ◽  
A. Efimenko

The article deals with the problem of providing a unified information policy and the formation of a single information space in the territory of modern Ukraine in the context of escalating threats, faced by our state in the humanitarian sphere, Analysis of the peculiarities of the information-propaganda defining component of modern wars on the example of Russian Federation aggression in Ukraine. The disclosure of this issue in the context of the presented work is caused by the need of a scientific generalization of an existing theoretical and practical operational experience which should help clarify issues not reflected in open domestic and have no thorough, systematic analysis of the aforementioned wars and threats. Solving a certain problem will help ensure the national security of Ukraine through timely decision-making to prevent and eliminate the threats of the so-called "hybrid war". Impossible in modern conditions is to maintain frontal aggressive warfare, the use of weapons of mass destruction. This explains the spread of information wars. They achieve political objectives through global (strategic) psychological operations to shape the positive attitude of the international community to such actions, through the implementation of the psychological treatment of the conflict region, which are subjected to servicemen and the people of enemy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 296-321
Author(s):  
David Nchinda Keming

The study focuses on the gambit of capitalism (political downline) and its relationship with the theory of Nchindaism. It provides an understanding to the exploitative mechanics of capitalists on the less developed and predicts the pendulum from Western controlled capitalism to military alliances where Western countries are elbowed from masters to actors and the possible collapse of the United Nations (UN). It targets: derivation, connotation, motives, manoeuvre/repercussions of capitalism, its drift, insight of Nchindaism & International Relations theories. The study is realised with primary, secondary and tertiary data under the ambit of qualitative methodology. Our findings reveal that the myth of None-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction and the abusive application of Veto Rights by the Big Five within the UN Security Council (UNSC) catalysed nuclear polarisation leading to the regress of Western capitalism and the emergence of ideological military alliances. It argues that as long as the notion of state sovereignty is built on mutual respect, equality and none-interference in internal affairs, state’s capabilities and defence mechanics shouldn’t face restrictions from others or organisations if it doesn’t deter human rights and welfare. It concludes that since the evolution of science is a free gift from nature and growth of the human mind, education on nuclear responsibility should take preference rather than the myth of limitation to its development or acquisition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (5) ◽  
pp. 787-816 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian C. Rathbun ◽  
Rachel Stein

Recent research into the public’s attitude toward the use of nuclear weapons repeats long-standing mistakes in how international relations theorists think about morality. Falsely equating consequentialism with state egoism and normative obligations with restrictions on the use of weapons of mass destruction implies that ethically motivated beliefs about foreign affairs must be other-regarding and that other-regarding behavior is not utilitarian in character. Drawing on empirical research into moral psychology, we argue that liberal, other-regarding morality is only one kind of ethical foundation. Alternative moral concerns such as retribution, deference to authority, and in-group loyalty also help to determine foreign policy beliefs. We find that all three are associated with support for the use of nuclear weapons in the American public. Our survey respondents act as moral utilitarians who weigh different ethical considerations in forming their judgments.


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