scholarly journals ROLE OF INTELLECTUALS IN TRIBAL POLICIES OF REZA SHAH REGIME: A STUDY FOCUSING ON THE BAKHTIARI AND QASHQAEI TRIBE

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 801-810
Author(s):  
Mahdi Monirinejad ◽  
Arman Heidari ◽  
Keshvad Siahpour

Purpose of the study: Following the entrance of Reza Shah into Iran’s political scene, the Persian archaist and nationalist intellectuals started to support him. These intellectuals believed that only through a central government with a Persian Nationalism could establish a united national nation-state in Iran. They played a key role in paving the path for the formation of a united nation-state and tackling the existing barriers before its path, e.g. the semi-autonomous traditional tribal governments, through establishing parties, societies, and newspapers and various activities in the administrative and bureaucratic domains. This is an issue which has not been discussed almost by no one of the scholars who have conducted studies on Iran. Methodology: The present study has been undertaken based on the method of historical sociology and through the use of the library sources. Results: In this way, the intellectuals who were supporters of the ancient Persian nationalism persuaded Reza Shah to adopt a radical military approach against the tribes. They consecrated Reza Shah and did not miss any opportunity to humiliate the tribes in every possible form. In fact, the pro-ancient Persian nationalism intellectuals had their own personal strategies for the destruction of the semi-independent governments. Applications of this study: This article plays a prefund role in studying the history of recent Iran. Novelty of the study: The Novelty of the study is in investigating the historical sociology and using various sources.

Author(s):  
David Priestland

This article provides a new interpretation of Europe’s revolutionary era between 1917 and 1923, exploring the origins of the revolutionary wave and its diverse impact across Europe, focusing on the role of the Left. It seeks to revive the insights of social history and historical sociology, which have been neglected by a recent historiography, that stress the role of contingency, the impact of war, and the influence of militaristic cultures. Yet unlike older social history approaches which emphasised domestic social conflict at the expense of ethnic politics and empire, it argues that the revolutions were the result of a crisis of old geopolitical and ethnic hierarchies, as well as social ones. It develops a comparative approach, presenting a new way of incorporating the experience of eastern Europe and the Caucasus into the history of Europe’s revolutions, and a new analysis of why Russia provided such fertile ground for revolutionary politics.


Author(s):  
Sergey A Barov ◽  
Maia A Egorova

The artice is devoted to the problem of preserving the Cantonese dialect (language) in modern China, where for several decades the government persistently pursued a policy of disseminating of the nation-wide Chinese language (“pǔtōnghuà”). Cantonese is the largest language by speakers among all Chinese languages and it is native to most residents of Guangdong and Hong Kong, however, unlike the languages of the national minorities of China, it is not fully protected by law and is consistently ousted from the education system and out of business communication. In the article the authors carefully analyze the linguistic history of China, the role of dialects in the system of Chinese languages and the historical and political significance of a single written norm. According to the authors, the division of China into two large cultural and historical communities (northern and southern) corresponds to the established linguistic division, but unlike many other countries in the world, the ethnolinguistic and ethnocultural differences between the northern and southern Chinese due to the centuries-old unifying efforts of the central government do not lead to the division of the Chinese nation. The article examines in detail the history of Cantonese, a linguistic analysis of the differences between Cantonese and Putonghua, and on this basis concludes that Cantonese should be considered not as a dialect of Chinese, but rather as a separate language of the Sino-Tibetan language group, albeit closely related to the Chinese language. Analyzing the role of Cantonese in the formation of a special cultural and historical community in Guangdong and Hong Kong, the authors conclude that the declining of the Cantonese dialect (language) will probably occur over the next several decades, unless the language and education policies of the Chinese government are changed. Otherwise this tendency will lead to the loss of the province's identity, which is part of the intangible cultural heritage of the entire Chinese nation.


Author(s):  
Asma Faiz

This book traces the trajectory of Sindhi nationalism in its quest for lost glory. It examines the Sindhi nationalist movement through its various stages, ranging from pre-partition identity construction in pursuit of the separation of Sindh from Bombay, to the post-partition travails of a community which lost its identity and its capital as a result of the arrival of millions of migrants from India (Muhajirs) and of the actions of an over-bearing central government. Going beyond the state and its power play, the book examines the long history of Sindhi-Muhajir contestation for resources in the post-partition period. The book develops a comprehensive profile of the agency of nationalist parties in Sindh, including the Sindhudesh detour and the later fragmentation of the Jiye Sind movement, which was followed by the emergence of new parties. The author also analyzes the dual role of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) as an ethnic entrepreneur inside the province while operating as a federal party outside Sindh. The book covers nationalist contention at three levels: the struggle for power between Sindh and a dominant Centre; the inter-ethnic conflict between Sindhis and Muhajirs; and the intra-ethnic contestation between the Sindhi nationalists themselves and the PPP.


2015 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
JILL ROSENTHAL

AbstractThis article argues that international aid to Rwandan refugees in Ngara district during decolonization unfolded as part of a broader project of nation-state formation and regulation – one that deeply affected local narratives of community and belonging. While there is an extensive scholarship on decolonization and nationalism, we know less about the history of the nation-state as a refugee-generating project, and the role of international aid agencies therein. The history of Rwandan refugees in Ngara district, Tanzania, reveals the constitutive relationship between nation-building and refugee experiences, illustrating that during decolonization local political imaginations congealed around internationally-reified categorizations of the ‘refugee’ and the ‘citizen’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-58
Author(s):  
Gary Wickham

The term ‘post-national formations’ is a product of some of the recent work of Jürgen Habermas. In using this term, Habermas highlights what he regards as a laudatory trend in social and political research. This is the trend away from an intense focus on the role of nation-states – a role he believes to be unconducive to progressive politics – and towards a focus on the role of new configurations – a role he believes to be much more conducive to this type of politics. ‘Post-national formations’, then, is the term Habermas uses to describe new non-state configurations he has identified. He is confident these configurations will eventually break free of the supposed yoke of the nation-state and usher in a new era of progressivism. This article is not concerned with the post-national formations literature per se. Rather, it is concerned with this literature’s failure to take into account the full history of both the nation-state and the notion of sovereignty that helps the nation-state to function. In pursuing this concern, the article draws material from various sources to offer a short historical defence of the sovereign state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 69-90
Author(s):  
Stanisław Ciesielski

Сталин против Покровского. Из истории сталинской «исторической политики»Михаил Покровский в двадцатых годах и в первой половине тридцатых годов ХХ века считался признанным лидером марксистской историографии в СССР. Начатая Сталиным переоценка многих явлений в истории России, связанная со стремлением к интеграции советского общества на основе особого патриотизма и чувства державности привела к оспариванию и отрицанию прежней исторической политики, символом которой был Покровский. Неудача попытки создания учениками Покровского школьных учебников стало для Сталина импульсом для начала кампании, направленной на учёного и его «школу». Во время её взгляды Покровского были признаны антимарксистскими и антиленинскими. Его обвиняли в том, что, исповедуя экономический материализм и когнитивный субъективизм, не понимая диалектики, он проповедовал вульгарный марксизм, трактовал историю как политику возврата в прошлое и оспаривал её объективизм как науки, а как следствие этого стоял на позиции ликвидаторского подхода к истории. Покровскому приписывали игнорирование конкретности исторического процесса, роли выдающихся личностей, антиисторическое понимание отдельных явлений с перспективы современности, а не обстоятельств, при которых они имели место. Важную роль играла критика торгового капитала и его исторической роли. Подвергнуты сомнению были ключевые элементы свойственной Покровскому картины прошлого России. Покровского обвиняли в игнорировании, недооценке или ошибочной интерпретации истории Киевской Руси, строительства «российского народного государства», крестьянских движений, государственных реформ, борьбы с польской интервенцией в начале XVII века и с нашествием Наполеона в 1812 году, восстания декабристов, процесса включения в Российское государство других народов. Stalin against Pokrovsky: On the history of Stalinist “historical policy”In the 1920s and the first half of the 1930s Mikhail Pokrovsky was regarded as a leading Marxist historiographer in the USSR. A revision, initiated by Stalin, of views on many phenom­ena from Russia’s history, connected with a desire to consolidate Soviet society on the basis of a redefined patriotism and feeling of being part of a superpower, led to a questioning and rejection of the historical policy which Pokrovsky symbolised. The failure to prepare new school textbooks by Pokrovsky’s pupils prompted Stalin to launch a campaign against the scholar and his “school.” Pokrovsky’s views were pronounced anti-Marxist and anti-Leninist. As a man allegedly kowtowing to economic materialism and cognitive subjectivism, and not understanding dialectics, Pokrovsky was accused of vulgarising Marxism, treating history as a policy of projecting into the past and questioning its objectivism as a science, and, consequently, of representing an approach to it that was that of a liquidator. Pokrovsky was said to be ignoring the concreteness of the historical process, the role of outstanding individuals, to be following an ahistorical approach to various phenomena from the perspective of the present and not of the circumstances in which they had taken place. An important role was played by criticism of the concept of commercial capital and its historical role. Key elements of Pokrovsky’s picture of Russia’s past were questioned. Pokrovsky was accused of ignoring, failing to appreciate or misinterpreting the history of Kievan Rus’, of the building of the “Russian nation state,” peasant movements, state reforms, fight against the Polish intervention in the early 17th century and the Napoleonic invasion in 1812, the Decembrist Uprising, and the process of incorporating various nations into the Russian state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Priscilla Verona

A historiografia educacional brasileira, sobretudo no que tange aos estudos referentes ao século XIX, caracterizou frequentemente o negro como um escravo, que, destituído de direitos, estabelecia uma relação de exclusão com a sociedade e com os processos educativos. Ao não ser considerado um sujeito social pela historiografia tradicional, o negro se manteve durante longo período de tempo à margem também de nossa historiografia da educação. No entanto, nas últimas décadas vem se consubstanciando um movimento rico de superação do silencionamento que foi produzido em relação aos negros na história da educação. Abordagens mais problematizantes aliadas ao surgimento de inúmeras pesquisas e iniciativas passaram a privilegiar e considerar o papel ativo do negro dentro da história da educação no Brasil. Nesse sentido, o artigo se propõe a realizar um breve balanço, buscando sobretudo trazer perspectivas para se pensar o Estado - Nação imperial por meio de uma série de contribuições que dão visibilidade ao protagonismo negro na história.***Brazilian educational historiography, especially with regard to studies relates to the nineteenth century, often characterized  the black as a slave, who deprived of rights, established a relationship of exclusion with society and educational processes. Not being considered a social subject by traditional historiography, the  black remained for a long period of time also on the fringes of our historiography of education. However, in recent decades there has been a rich movement to overcome the silencing that has been produced in relation to blacks in the history of education. More problematic approaches coupled with the emergence of numerous researches and initiatives began to privilege and consider the active role of blacks within the history of education in Brasil. In this sense, the article proposes to make a brief balance, seeking above all to bring perspectives to think the imperial Nation State.  


2020 ◽  
pp. 157-200
Author(s):  
Adam Sutcliffe

This chapter focuses on the purpose of the Jews in relation to the potential and meaning of nationhood, in both Zionist and non-Zionist contexts. It talks about Moses Hess, a writer in Germany in the 1860s, who linked a profoundly negative view of the Jews' diasporic role as arch-capitalists to his irenic view of the role of the Jews in his Zionist vision of the future. It explains how a Zionist grappling with the idea of Jewish exemplarity runs through the twentieth-century history of the movement. This chapter also highlights the cultural Zionism of Ahad Ha'am and the political rhetoric of David Ben-Gurion, who repeatedly invoked Isaiah's “light unto the nations” as his vision for the Jewish state. It analyzes the relationship of Jewish exemplarity and purpose to the broader political life of the nation state that became a rich and complicated seam of debate within twentieth century thought.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 04011
Author(s):  
Hari Hajaruddin Siregar ◽  
Petrus Natalivan ◽  
Agus Suharjono Ekomadyo

The city of Medan was formed from a rapidly growing plantation industry in the 1800s. The area that was originally only a village called Medan Putri with a population of about 200 people slowly changed since the Dutch investors saw the prospect of tobacco plantations in this region (Sinar, 2006). The amount of manpower needed to manage the plantation resulted in the investors bringing labor from Java, China and also Tamil. Moving the central government of the Deli Sultanate to Medan in 1891 increasingly crowded Medan at that time. The Arabs, Mining, Mandailing, and Aceh began to arrive for trading purposes as Medan began to grow and become more crowded. The study focused on locating the genius loci of Medan City through tracing the historical meaning by adapting the method undertaken by Norberg Schultz in tracing the spirit of the place and genius loci. The result of the analysis shows the role of culture and economic background that plays a major role in the formation of the character of Medan City center. The city is formed from the history of the plantation industry as well as the diverse cultures that share the same attachment and goals in the economic field.


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