Politicization Bureaucracy in the Implementation of Regional Chief Election

Author(s):  
Ahmad Yamin

Bureaucracy is an important instrument in the country as a bridge between people and government. However, the strength of the role and function of bureaucracy often makes the rulers abusing bureaucracy for political ends, especially the perpetuation of power. The era of regional autonomy with direct regional head elections made the head of the region have the right to determine its bureaucratic officials in the region. Later, officials of the bureaucracy are also likely to be used for award of the tool in the context of general elections that followed for the next period. It is expressed as the politicization of the bureaucracy for winning the local elections. The local elections in Medan city became one example of the phenomenon of the politicization of the bureaucracy. Harahap Rahudman victory at the General Election of Medan in 2010 to form the politicization of the bureaucracy that causes power can be continued in the next period. This happens because the positions of the existing bureaucracy have intervened before to follow the will of the political authorities in the city of Medan. Own bureaucratic officials follow the will of the Mayor of Medan and keep the position or position in government institutions. The phenomenon of the politicization of the bureaucracy will give rise to a negative meaning of the bureaucracy which initially should be the government’s tool to serve the people and also lead to disruption of the bureaucratic model that should be professional (merit).

Author(s):  
Fahrul Rizki Hidayat ◽  
Lalu Sabardi ◽  
Kurniawan Kurniawan

This study discusses the role and function of the Notary Supervisory Board against the notary who violates the code of ethics and notary position. It applies the empirical legal juridical research method that is carried out by examining the conditions in the field related to the implementation of supervision and guidance of notaries by the Supervisory Board in Mataram City. Based on Article 1 paragraph (6) Law on Notary Position, the Notary Supervisory Board is an institution that has the authority and obligation to carry out guidance and supervision of the notary. In carrying out supervision and guidance, the Minister forms a Supervisory Board consisting of 3 (three) levels which include the Regional Supervisory Board in the city/regency, the Provincial Supervisory Board in the province and the Central Supervisory Board in the capital. Each level consists of 9 (nine) different people; each of 3 (three) people came from government, notary, expert/academic elements. The Supervisory Board has very important roles and functions in law enforcement against notaries in their territories in holding hearings to check for suspected violations of the code of ethics and notary position. Law enforcement can be in the form of preventive measures (supervision) and curative steps (implementation of sanctions). Thus, if the notary commits a violation, the Supervisory Board has the right to examine and sanction him/her. Sanctions can be in the form of written warning, temporary dismissal, respectful dismissal and/or disrespectful dismissal.


Author(s):  
Liam Weeks

This chapter considers consider the experience of those who run on an independent platform. It comprises seven separate contributions, from independents who have been elected at various levels in Ireland, from local councils, to the Seanad, the Dáil and the European Parliament. Although this study is primarily on independents in the Dáil, it is nevertheless useful to consider all these levels as it demonstrates the role and function of independents across the Irish political system. The independent contributors provide an insider’s account of life as an outsider within the Irish political system. With their years of experience on the political frontline, they speak with clarity and insight on the failings of the system, and in particular the lack of transparency and accountability. They suggest a number of reforms that would allow both parliament and the people to wrest back true political power.


2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Basuki Rahmat ◽  
Esther Esther

Act No. 10 of 2008 on general elections to mention that voters are those who are first time to vote and aged 17 years or older or are/have been married have the right to vote in elections (and election).Voters beginners who are just entering the age of suffrage also do not yet have broad political range, todetermine where they should vote. So, sometimes what they choose is not as expected.The reason this is causing voters are very prone to be influenced and approached the materialapproach to the political interests of parties politik. Ketidaktahuan in terms of practical politics,especially with the choices in elections or local elections, voters often do not make rational thought andmore thought­term interests short.New voters are often only used by political parties and politicians to serve political interests, forexample be used for fundraising period and the formation of the party underbow organization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 166
Author(s):  
Anissa Hakim Purwantini ◽  
Farida Farida

Kampung Rukun Warga (RW) 03 Kelurahan Kemirirejo, Central Magelang Regency, Magelang City has various potentials to be developed as a pilot educational tourism village. The enthusiasm of the community can also be seen with the formation of a tourism awareness group (pokdarwis). However, the management of Pokdarwis Krenomata in RW 03 still does not understand the roles and functions as well as how the strategies and next development steps are to realize an Educational Tourism Village. Therefore, training and mentoring are needed to optimize the role and function of Pokdarwis in order to formulate the right strategy for realizing a tourist village. The purpose of this service is to provide an understanding of the role and function of pokdarwis, mentoring the concept of a tourism village, and business management consisting of marketing strategies, financial records and simple bookkeeping, and charms. This service provides skills and knowledge to pokdarwis administrators and members in pioneering educational tourism villages. The formation of this educational tourism village is expected to encourage the economic independence of the urban community, especially the City of Magelang.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 629-664 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brighton Claire

The complementarity principle enshrined in the Rome Statute is the cornerstone on which the International Criminal Court is built. It holds the key to the ICC’s legitimacy, credibility, and ability to act. The complementarity regime was not truly tested until 2011 when the Kenyan Government challenged the admissibility of the ICC’s investigation into the widespread violence that followed the Kenyan general elections in 2007. Both the Pre-Trial Chamber and Appeals Chamber held that the Kenyan case was admissible on the basis that Kenya had not demonstrated sufficiently that it was carrying out national investigations, as required to render the case inadmissible. This paper presents an analysis of both Chambers’ decisions by reference to the role and function of the complementarity regime. It contends that the Chambers’ decisions appear to have been inappropriately influenced by political considerations and consequently failed to give effect to the principles underlying the complementarity regime itself.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kustiawan Kustiawan ◽  
Kohen Sofi

Abstract By paying attention to the experience of regional autonomy in the past that embraces the principle of real autonomy and responsible with an emphasis on more autonomy is the obligation of the right, then in this law granting autonomy to local authority districts and areas of the city based on the principles of decentralization alone in the form of broad autonomy, real and responsible. With the implementation of the research in the village of Kuala Sempang District of Kuala Lobam Series Bintan regency is expected to provide an overview of how the process of public participation in the implementation of regional development so that the concept of participatory development that has been applied can be dosed and can be used as a reference in subsequent studies related to substances.From the research that has been carried out, can be drawn that the application of community participation in development in the village of Kuala Sempang District of Kuala Lobam Series Bintan regency. If the view of the indicators of community participation in the development of community participation in the form of an idea or ideas, participation in the form of materials, participation in the form of labor and community participation in the form of utilization of development. The contribution of participation in the form of energy is the largest in any development process implemented. Participation in the form of utilization of development for the community is when development is aimed at the welfare of rural communities, the people will really take advantage and menajaga development that has been implemented by the village government to the people in the village of Kuala Sempang. Although in the process encountered a small obstacles but does not reduce the spirit of mutual aid societies to build their village. Keywords: community particiation, rural development Abstrak Dengan memperhatikan pengalaman otonomi daerah di masa lalu yang mencakup prinsip otonomi riil dan bertanggung jawab dengan penekanan pada otonomi lebih adalah kewajiban hak, maka dalam undang-undang ini memberikan otonomi kepada pemerintah daerah kabupaten dan wilayah berbasis kota. pada prinsip desentralisasi sendiri dalam bentuk otonomi luas, nyata dan bertanggung jawab. Dengan dilaksanakannya penelitian di Desa Kuala Sempang Kecamatan Kuala Lobam Kabupaten Bintan diharapkan dapat memberikan gambaran umum bagaimana proses partisipasi masyarakat dalam pelaksanaan pembangunan daerah sehingga konsep pembangunan partisipatif yang telah diterapkan dapat Dosis dan bisa dijadikan referensi dalam penelitian lanjutan terkait zat. Dari penelitian yang telah dilakukan, dapat ditarik bahwa penerapan partisipasi masyarakat dalam pembangunan di Desa Kuala Sempang Kecamatan Kuala Lobam Kabupaten Bintan. Jika dilihat dari indikator partisipasi masyarakat dalam pengembangan partisipasi masyarakat dalam bentuk ide atau gagasan, partisipasi dalam bentuk materi, partisipasi dalam bentuk persalinan dan partisipasi masyarakat dalam bentuk pemanfaatan pembangunan. Kontribusi partisipasi dalam bentuk energi adalah yang terbesar dalam proses pembangunan yang diimplementasikan. Partisipasi dalam bentuk pemanfaatan pembangunan bagi masyarakat adalah ketika pembangunan ditujukan untuk kesejahteraan masyarakat pedesaan, masyarakat akan benar-benar memanfaatkan dan menajaga pembangunan yang telah dilaksanakan oleh pemerintah desa kepada masyarakat di desa Kuala Sempang. Meski dalam prosesnya mengalami hambatan kecil namun tidak mengurangi semangat gotong royong untuk membangun desanya. Kata Kunci: partisipasi masyarakat, pembangunan pedesaan


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.


1971 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-637 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Holl ◽  
Hyacinthe Crépin

Following Vatican II changes are rapidly taking place within Dutch Catholicism — the bishops no longer make decisions in an authoritarian way: religious practice is de clining ; priests and religious are decreasing in numbers and many religious and pastoral experiments have come into being. KASKI has the responsibility of keeping pace with the Church during this process of change. In order to do this it makes use of several modes of work — the production of statistics relating to the position of religion in Society, the planning of religious and pastoral institutions and the study of new forms of the religious life in orders and congregations. For the first task it has used the same instruments for twenty- five years and the censuses thus produced yield valuable infor mation. As far as pastoral planning is concerned, it works in the field, playing the role of catalyst for those who have to make decisions and the people who have to carry out these decisions. This was the case, for instance, in the pastoral planning of the town of Eindhoven. Finally, when dealing with the new forms of communal religious life it adopts the method of studying through participation so that two of its researchers working in this sector are themselves members of religious groups. Applied research poses important problems, both from the methodological and from the political points of view. Amongst them may be noted the difficulty of determining precisely what constitutes rapid change in religious life, and the political choice of the persons for whom the research is being con ducted; the latter inevitably imposes a certain degree of conformity upon the perspectives of the work. (For example, the choice of the Dutch hierarchy which was to follow the general lines given by a large majority of Catholic opinion when it was tested particularly on questions like the liturgical and parochial changes). The fact, also, that the director of KASKI himself has a personal commitment to what may be described as the « right of centre » position in Dutch Catho licism poses problems for the work of the Institute. Political and religious radicalism is not a strong characteristic of the more senior research workers. KASKI is a rare example of a centre which brings socio logists together and uses their professional competence to accompany change in religious institutions.


1994 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Guedea

Beginning in 1808 the people started to play a prominent role in the political life of Mexico. This article examines the significant growth of popular political participation in the City of Mexico during the period 1808-1812. In particular, it analyzes the substantial role that the people played in the elections of 1812, a role they would continue to play in the early years of the new nation.


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