A AÇÃO POLáTICA DO INSTITUTO DE PESQUISAS E ESTUDOS SOCIAIS (IPES) ATRAVÉS DE DOCUMENTáRIOS

Author(s):  
ELAINE DE ALMEIDA BORTONE

O artigo analisa dois documentários produzidos pelo Instituo de Pesquisas e Estudos Sociais (IPES), ”O que é os IPáŠS” e ”História de um maquinista”. Os curtas foram criados para serem utilizados como instrumentos de ação polá­tica, com os objetivos de interferir no processo polá­tico e doutrinar a opinião pública contra João Goulart. Palavras chave: IPES. Ditadura civil-militar. Propaganda ideológica.  ACTION POLICY INSTITUO DE PESQUISAS E ESTUDOS SOCIAIS (IPES) THROUGH DOCUMENTARY Abstract: The article analyzes two documentary produced by the Instituto de Pesquisas e Estudos Sociais (IPES), "O que é o IPES" and "História de um maquinista". The shorts films are designed to be used as instruments of political action, with the objective of interfering in the political process and indoctrinate the public against João Goulart. Keywords: IPES. Civil-military dictatorship. Ideological propaganda.  LA ACCIÓN POLITICA DEL INSTITUTO DE INVESTIGACIÓN Y ESTUDIOS SOCIALES (IPES) A TRAVES DE DOCUMENTARIOSResumen: El articulo analiza dos documentarios producidos por el Instituto de Investigaciones y Estudios Sociales (IPES), "O que é os IPES" y "Historia de um maquinista ". Los curtas fueron creados para ser utilizado como instrumentos de acción polá­tica, con objetivos de interferir en el proceso polá­tico y doctrinar la opinión pública contra Joao Goulart. Palabras clave: IPES. Dictadura civil militar. Propaganda ideológica.

1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Prakash Sethi ◽  
Nobuaki Namiki

The American public distrusts political action committees and considers them harmful to the nation's democratic political process. This negative reaction is independent of socioeconomic and demographic characteristics, political ideology, and party affiliation, but is highly correlated with optimism about the future and confidence in the nation's political, legal, and economic institutions and their leaders. The findings of this study suggest that business must undertake substantive and communications-related measures to improve public perception of PAC activities if it is to maintain societal legitimacy in its involvement in the political process.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth C. Matto

This chapter addresses the nature of the featured groups’ activities, the targets of their actions, the context out of which these actions arise, and the effects of these efforts. This qualitative approach is appropriate when theoretical frameworks aren't doing an adequate job of explaining, predicting and understanding a phenomenon - youth political participation in this case. Although shaped by their missions, structures, and resources, this research suggests that the groups engage in a variety of actions meant to raise awareness, serve the public, and influence the political process. Although they make use of the technological tools of their generation, their actions are in line with traditional conceptions of political action with attention to their outcomes and impact.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Arvanitakis

On 16 February 2003, more than half a million people gathered in Sydney, Australia, as part of a global anti-war protest aimed at stopping the impending invasion of Iraq by the then US Administration. It is difficult to estimate how many millions marched on the coordinated protest, but it was by far the largest mobilization of a generation. Walking and chanting on the streets of Sydney that day, it seemed that a political moment was upon us. In a culture that rarely embraces large scale activism, millions around Australian demanded to be heard. The message was clear: if you do not hear us, we would be willing to bring down a government. The invasion went ahead, however, with the then Australian government, under the leadership of John Howard, being one of the loudest and staunchest supporters of the Bush Administrations drive to war. Within 18 months, anti-war activists struggled to have a few hundred participants take part in anti-Iraq war rallies, and the Howard Government was comfortably re-elected for another term. The political moment had come and gone, with both social commentators and many members of the public looking for a reason. While the conservative media was often the focus of analysis, this paper argues that in a time of late capitalism, the political moment is hollowed out by ‘Politics’ itself. That is to say, that formal political processes (or ‘Politics’) undermine the political practices that people participate in everyday (or ‘politics’). Drawing on an ongoing research project focusing on democracy and young people, I discuss how the concept of ’politics‘ has been destabilised and subsequently, the political moment has been displaced. This displacement has led to a re-definition of ‘political action’ and, I argue, the emergence of a different type of everyday politics.


2008 ◽  
Vol 53 (No. 1) ◽  
pp. 21-29
Author(s):  
J. Cmejrek

The Velvet Revolution in November 1989 in the former Czechoslovakia opened the way to the renewal of the democratic political system. One of the most visible aspects of the Czech political development consisted in the renewal of the essential functions of elections and political parties. On the local level, however, the political process - as well as in other post-communist countries - continued to be for a long time influenced by the remains of the former centralized system wherein the local administration used to be subjected to the central state power. Municipal elections took hold in these countries, however, the local government remained in the embryonic state and a certain absence of real political and economic decision-making mechanism on the local level continued to show. The public administration in the Czech Republic had to deal with the changes in the administrative division of the state, the split of the Czechoslovak federation as well as the fragmentation of municipalities whose number increased by 50 percent. Decision making mechanisms on the local and regional level were suffering from the incomplete territorial hierarchy of public administration and from the unclear division of power between the state administration and local administration bodies. Only at the end of the 1990s, the public administration in the Czech Republic started to get a more integrated and specific shape. Citizens participation in the political process represents one of the key issues of representative democracy. The contemporary democracy has to face the decrease in voter turnout and the low interest of citizens to assume responsibility within the political process. The spread of democratising process following the fall of the iron curtain should not overshadow the risk of internal weakness of democracy. The solution should be looked for in more responsible citizenship and citizens’ political participation. The degree of political participation is considered (together with political pluralism) to be the key element of representative democracy in general terms, as well as of democratic process on the local and regional level. The objective of this paper is to describe the specifics of citizens local political participation in the Czech Republic and to show the differences between rural and urban areas. The paper concentrates on voting and voter turnout but deals also with other forms of citizens political participation.


1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas Rae ◽  
Michael Taylor

Contemporary political science is rightly concerned with the complex relationship between the political process and the public policies in which it results. In understanding this relationship, it may be useful to distinguish two complementary aspects of the political process: (1) those which are relevant because they account for the policy preferences of elite-members and, (2) those elements, like voting and bargaining, which are of interest because they determine policy outcomes from given configurations of elite preferences. This paper offers a theoretical model for an important component of this second aspect: it is explicitly addressed to legislative voting processes and the underlying strategies of legislators as these contribute to the determination of policy outcomes. And, for the present, we take preference-formation as given.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311668979 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph DiGrazia

Scholars have recently become increasingly interested in understanding the prevalence and persistence of conspiratorial beliefs among the public as recent research has shown such beliefs to be both widespread and to have deleterious effects on the political process. This article seeks to develop a sociological understanding of the structural conditions that are associated with conspiratorial belief. Using aggregate Google search data to measure public interest in two popular political conspiracy theories, the findings indicate that social conditions associated with threat and insecurity, including unemployment, changes in partisan control of government, and demographic changes, are associated with increased conspiratorial ideation.


2018 ◽  
pp. 162-181
Author(s):  
Sérgio Silva Borges

RESUMOEste artigo busca analisar a potência política das ruas. Aborda-se, à luz de mobilizações políticas contemporâneas, a transformação de espaços do cotidiano social em recurso para a ação política. Este é o objetivo do texto, analisar, com base em episódios do ciclo de protestos recentes, a exemplo das Jornadas de Junho de 2013, no Brasil, o poder das ruas, sua potência política e a conexão existente entre essas arenas e os espaços de decisão. Acredita-se que certas manifestações políticas transformam logradouros públicos em espaços políticos abertos. Nesse sentido, fez-se uma breve discussão sobre o debate contemporâneo a respeito do espaço público para delinear uma distinção entre esse e o espaço político aberto e problematizar as condições pelas quais espaços de sociabilidade transformam-se em espaços de conflito e ação. Procurou-se, através de um levantamento empírico, explicitar a tensão entre as instituições e as ruas, bem como a potência política dessa última. Notar-se-á que diferentes manifestações políticas criam tipos ou subcategorias de espaços políticos. Palavras-chave: Espaço político; Potência política; Tensão democrática. ABSTRACTThis paper aims to analyze the potential political power of the streets. The approach, in the light of contemporary political mobilizations, is the transformation of social everyday spaces into a resource for political action. This text analyzes the power of the streets based on the cycle of recent protests in Brazil, such as the Journeys of June 2013, as well as their political power and the connection between these arenas and the spaces of decision. It is assumed that certain political manifestations turn public places into open political spaces. In this sense, a brief discussion was made on the contemporary debate about the public space to delineate a distinction between the public space and the open political space in order to problematize the conditions by which spaces of sociability become spaces of conflict and action. Through an empirical survey, it is attempted to explain the tension between institutions and the streets, as well as their the political power. It will be noted that different political manifestations create types or subcategories of political spaces.Keywords: Political space; Political power; Democratic tension.


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