scholarly journals Attitudes towards migrants and the changes they bring, in assessments of Russians and Europeans

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 55-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia S. Mastikova

This article, based on a European social survey for the year 2016, analyzes the attitudes of Russian and European citizens towards the influx of migrants into their respective countries, as well as towards the changes that said migrants bring with them. Despite the fact that Russia is among the leading countries in terms of migrant count, while remaining separated from those migration flows which bred the current European migrant crisis, it is among the top three nations with the most negative attitudes towards people migrating to their country, as well as in terms of evaluating the changes attributed to said migrants. In regards to migration inflow, the utmost negative assessments are prevalent in Hungary, the Czech Republic and Russia. Positive assessments were recorded in Iceland and Sweden. When it comes to changes introduced by migrants, the most negative assessments among all of the countries surveyed were again recorded in Hungary, Russia and the Czech Republic. The most tolerant countries in this regard turned out to be Scandinavian nations: Iceland, Sweden and Finland. Negative assessments in Hungary and the Czech Republic can be attributed to the fact that these nations act as migration transit points of sorts on the path towards the wealthiest of European states. They do not possess the resources necessary to handle accommodating and supporting transit migrants, as well as providing security for their own host populations. This article also cites the discussion on potential reasons for anti-migrant attitudes in foreign research. Among the main reasons highlighted are cultural factors (values and beliefs in the countries studied), economic (competition in the labor market, income level, GDP, the proportion of migrants among the general population), social-demographic (gender, age, education level, type of settlement), contextual factors (religion, political orientation, mass-media influence) etc. In Russia, aside from the aforementioned factors, the effect of low living standards and propagandistic coverage of the European migrant crisis in mass-media is also a consideration.

2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 659-686
Author(s):  
Caroline Vandenplas ◽  
Geert Loosveldt ◽  
Koen Beullens

Abstract Adaptive and responsive survey designs rely on monitoring indicators based on paradata. This process can better inform fieldwork management if the indicators are paired with a benchmark, which relies on empirical information collected in the first phase of the fieldwork or, for repeated or longitudinal surveys, in previous rounds or waves. We propose the “fieldwork power” (fieldwork production per time unit) as an indicator for monitoring, and we simulate this for the European Social Survey (ESS) Round 7 in Belgium and in the Czech Republic. We operationalize the fieldwork power as the weekly number of completed interviews and of contacts, the ratio of the number of completed interviews to the number of contact attempts and to the number of refusals. We use a repeated measurement multilevel model, with surveys in the previous rounds of the European Social Survey as the macro level and the weekly fieldwork power as repeated measurements to create benchmarks. We also monitor effort and data quality metrics. The results show how problems in the fieldwork evolution can be detected by monitoring the fieldwork power and by comparing it with the benchmarks. The analysis also proves helpful regarding post-survey fieldwork evaluation, and links effort, productivity, and data quality.


2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela Barni ◽  
Alessio Vieno ◽  
Michele Roccato

We performed a multilevel, multinational analysis using the 2012 European Social Survey dataset (N = 41 080, nested in 20 countries) to study how living in a non–communist versus in a post–communist country moderates the link between individual conservative values (drawn on Schwartz's theory of basic human values) and political orientation (assessed as self–placement on the left–right axis and attitude towards economic redistribution). The results supported the moderating role of living in a non–communist versus in a post–communist country in the case both of political self–placement and of attitude towards economic redistribution, even controlling for the countries’ degree of individualism, power distance and democracy. Specifically, conservative values were positively related to a rightist political self–placement among participants living in countries without a communist past, and to a favourable attitude towards economic redistribution in countries with a communist past. The limitations, implications and future directions of this study are discussed. Copyright © 2016 European Association of Personality Psychology


Populism ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-287
Author(s):  
Olga Lavrinenko

Abstract This article investigates the socio-economic and socio-political origins of populism in the Czech Republic and Hungary, discussing the reasons for the national specificity of the populism. Despite the similar triggers that had led to the strengthening of the populists, the nature of the populism in these countries is different. In the Czech Republic, populism has a technocratic nature, while in Hungary—a nativist. I presume that the rise of the unemployment rate as the result of the 2008 Great Recession contributed to the decline in the confidence towards the national and the EU parliament as well as to the rise of the negative attitudes towards migrants. In their turn, the lower level of institutional trust and the negative attitudes towards the migrants correlate with the voting for the populist parties on the national and the European elections.


Author(s):  
Emilio Colombo ◽  
Valentina Rotondi ◽  
Luca Stanca

AbstractWe study the non-monetary costs of terrorist attacks in France, Belgium and Germany between 2010 and 2017. Using four waves of the European Social Survey, we find that individual well-being is significantly reduced in the aftermath of a terrorist attack. We explore possible mechanisms, finding that terrorist attacks are negatively correlated with generalized trust, institutional trust, satisfaction with democracy and satisfaction with the government. Terrorist attacks are also found to be positively correlated with negative attitudes towards migrants and perceived discrimination. Contrary to expectations, the negative relationship between terrorism and well-being is less strong for Muslim immigrants. We interpret this finding as an indication that immigrants benefit more than natives from the institutional reaction following terrorist attacks.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karolína Pešková ◽  
Michaela Spurná ◽  
Petr Knecht

Similarly to other Visegrád Group countries, the most recent curriculum reform in the Czech Republic brought substantial changes in the curriculum documents for schools. The purpose of this study is to investigate Czech primary and lower secondary teachers’ current attitudes towards curriculum reform. The results of a survey (n = 701) indicate that teachers have adopted rather negative attitudes. The acceptance of reform tends to increase among the teachers who use curriculum documents regularly and among the teachers with higher self-efficacy. In addition, teachers with system-centred/curriculum-oriented approaches are willing to accept the reform. There is no significant difference between teachers’ gender, their length of teaching experience, and their involvement in school management. Within the general frame of the Concern-Based Adoption Model (CBAM), the study draws on data from one country, but the implications for further educational development are potentially applicable across countries with similar educational policy backgrounds.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 74-80
Author(s):  
Aleksandr V. Fedorov ◽  
◽  

The article is devoted to the issues of legislative establishment of criminal liability of legal entities in the Czech Republic including definition of a legal entity as a subject of crime and criminal liability, conditions under which a crime is considered committed by a legal entity. Special attention is paid to an analysis of the special comprehensive Law of December 6, 2011, On Criminal Liability of Legal Entities and Procedural Actions in Respect Thereof and criminal punishments stipulated by this law for legal entities including: cancellation of registration (liquidation) of a legal entity; property seizure; money fine; seizure of a specific object; prohibition of activities; prohibition of participation in state contracts, non-admission to concession procedures and state procurements; prohibition of receipt of any government allowance or subsidy; judgment publication in state mass media. Injunctive remedies taken in respect of legal entities are reviewed.


Intersections ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-127
Author(s):  
Vera Messing ◽  
Bence Ságvári

In this paper we aim to discuss attitudes towards immigrants in a European context and analyse drivers of anti-immigrant attitudes such as the feeling of control, basic human values, political orientation and preferences related to right-wing populism. Based on data from the European Social Survey, we first describe how attitudes of people in Europe changed throughout a period of almost two decades (between 2002 and 2018). We will show that although attitudes are influenced by a number of demographic and subjective features of individuals, on the macro-level they seem to be surprisingly stable, yet hide significant cross-country differences. Then, we zoom in to the three most significant elements influencing attitudes towards immigrants: the feeling of control, basic human values, and political orientation. Applying a multi-level model we test the validity of three theories about factors informing attitudes towards immigrants—competition theory, locus of control, and the role of basic human values—and include time (pre- and post-2015 refugee-crisis periods) into the analysis. In the discussion we link ESS data to recent research on populism in Europe that categorizes populist parties across the continent, and establish that the degree to which anti-migrant feelings are linked to support for political populism varies significantly across European countries. We show that right-wing populist parties gather and feed that part of the population which is very negative towards migrants and migration in general, and this process is also driven by the significance awarded the value of security vis-à-vis humanitarianism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-116
Author(s):  
Nataliya S. Mastikova

The studies of attitudes towards migration in Russia indicate a negative attitude of the receiving population towards migrants and the consequences they bring. Despite the fact that there are works done on individual waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) study, the question remains as to what the dynamics of attitudes towards migration in Russia is and what is the reason for the negative attitude. A review of studies on the causes of negative attitudes towards migrants over the years has shown that in most studies the economic factor has the strongest explanatory power. More pronounced negative attitude in countries with a large proportion of migrants in the population, with a high level of unemployment in the country. In an article based on data from the five waves (2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2016), the ESS examines the attitude of Russians to migration over a period of 10 years. At the 2016 data, there is an increase in negative assessments of the variables under consideration, which characterize the attitude towards the relocation of migrants into the country of the respondent and the assessment of the changes introduced by migrants. Using regression with dummy variables, an attempt is made to determine the factors affecting the attitude of Russians to migrants. Several models have been built, including economic, cultural, contextual, sociodemographic factors and the human capital factor, in addition, all models included the variable of the year of study, taking into account the effect of the period. It was revealed that none of the models constructed explains the attitude of Russians towards migrants in the dynamics of years in Russia, the coefficient of determination in all versions of the models built did not exceed 1%. The conclusion about the limitations of the database to identify factors influencing the attitude of Russians to migrants in the dynamics of years is substantiated. Restrictions, in particular, are related to the fact that many of the variables of interest do not repeat in all ESS waves, which makes it impossible to study them in dynamics. The potential of qualitative methods as a possible option for further study of the topic is discussed.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 282-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ladislav Kruliš

Abstract The goal of this paper is twofold. Firstly, two instruments of economic development – investment incentives and cluster initiatives – were compared according to the frequency of their occurrence in selected mass media sources in the Czech Republic in the periods 2004-2005 and 2011-2012. Secondly, the mass media image of these two instruments of economic development was evaluated with respect to the frames deductively constructed from literature review. The findings pointed out a higher occurrence of the mass media articles/news dealing with investment incentives. These articles/news were, additionally, more controversial and covered a wider spectrum of frames. Politicians were a relatively more frequent type of actors who created the media message from the articles/news. On the contrary, the mass media articles/news concerning cluster initiatives typically created the frame of positive effects of clusters. The messages were told either by economic experts or by public authority representatives who were closely connected with cluster initiatives. Spatial origin of these messages was rather limited. The definitional vagueness, intangible and uncontroversial nature of cluster initiatives restrained their media appeal.


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