scholarly journals Pertautan Teologi dan Politik: Kajian terhadap Aliran Religio-Politik Syi’ah dan Khawarij

ULUMUNA ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-276
Author(s):  
Mustain Mustain

The history of emergence of sects of Islamic theology can not be separated from political issues as shown in the history of Shiite, Khawarij, Murjiah, Jabariyah, Qadariyah, Mu'tazilite, and Ash'arite. This paper tries to assess such linkage, particularly in the case of Shiite and Khawarij. The emergence of both sects was backed by sharp tribal political competition among the supporters of Ali ibn Abi Talib; both sects then showed their characteristics more as political stream (religio-political) rather than sects of theology. Although both, especially Khawarij, have important contributions in the debate concerning major sins commit which then lead to debate about broader and in-depth issues of divinity, but their political activities are more dominant than their theological thoughts. While the Shiite was preoccupied by searching for the ideal figure of priest (imam), Khawarij flow into a political insubordination movement to the government that they consider infidels.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-145
Author(s):  
Sema Tuba Özmen ◽  
Beyza Onur

Architecture, which is associated with the practice of producing space, has always rendered the powers and ideologies visible. This study investigates the government houses in the 19th century Ottoman State with regard to the notions of power and ideology and focuses on the Government House of Safranbolu. It is known that, in the specified period, government houses were important ideological interventions to urban space. This study aims to address the ideological context of the Safranbolu Government House, which is positioned with the ideal of the state. Based on this, first, the urban history of Safranbolu was examined. The importance of Safranbolu Government House in the history of the city, its relationship with the city, its ideological message to the city-dwellers and its architectural style were analyzed through a method based on archival research. All government houses of the period are the artifacts of urban-spatial structures and their architectural style as well as a shared ideology. Safranbolu Government House, which is one of the structures symbolizing the Ottoman State, was also built with a similar ideological consideration. Thus, the readability of the dominant ideology through the production style of Safranbolu Government House, one of the final period architectural artifacts of the Ottoman State, was verified.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 241-260
Author(s):  
Piotr Kościński

In Eastern European countries, history plays an important role for social and political reasons. In Belarus, it is used instrumentally, and recent attempts to demonstrate the negative impact of Poland and Poles on the country’s history may, although not necessarily, be used in current political activities. The government and President Alexander Lukashenko treat the historical picture of the history of their country in relations with Poland as a derivative of the basic assumption: the first Belarusian state was the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR), which they assess positively, just like (with various reservations) the entire Soviet Union. The positive assessment of the USSR and the Belarusian SSR creates an ideological basis for strengthening their power inside the country and building positive assessments of today’s Russia and cooperation with Russia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
pp. 12-23
Author(s):  
Y. I. Borodin

The article deals with the issue of determining the status of heads of local state administrations in Ukraine in the context of the history of public service. The author focuses on such important aspects as assigning the positions of heads of state executive bodies to the general competence of the regional and subregional levels into the civil service, imposing restrictions on political activity, defining the role of the president, the government and the prime minister in appointing and dismissing said officials, application of competitive procedures, etc. On the basis of the analysis of legislative acts of 1992-2017, comparison and generalization of information from different sources shows how the question arose about the status of heads of local state administrations, which changes occurred in the process of creating the constitutional principles of public administration, the adoption of legislation on civil service, activities government, local state administrations, prevention of corruption, etc. Particular attention is paid to the current state of affairs, which is characterized by the presence of contradictions in the Ukrainian legislation; an increase in the uncertainty of the status of heads of local state administrations as a result of changes to the civil service law (November 2017) regarding their removal from the civil service, removal of restrictions on political activities, etc.The author concludes that there is a lot of experience of the state authorities of Ukraine in this area, the contradictory nature of the actions of the subjects of determining the status of heads of local state administrations, which has manifested itself in the recent period, the need to define the conceptual principles of the consideration of the issue and to make concerted changes to the Ukrainian legislation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Abdul Rahman Hamid

This article explains about the history of Boven Digoel Camp in its correlation with the formation of nation’s character. From 1927 to 1930s, colonial government had been exiling politic internees there. The aims is to control their thought and attitudes towards the government. During the exile, there were two diverse characters found, as the result, there were two groups of internees found, there who change their attitudes toward the governement and those who were consistent with their political attitudes.The change was very pragmatic; it was done in order to survive in the camps and with expectation to return to their hometowns safety. However, camp life had formed solidarity and diversity spirit among the internees who came from diverse region, ethnic, language and religion. Personal, ethnical, and political view point were gradually squeezed at one place. The ideal to be a nation was increasingly strengthened particularly when they were confronted to the discriminative policies of colonial administration. These various experiences were worthy lessons for us to reflect the transformation process of our nation, Indonesia which had scarcely and expensively paid by the internees which can serve as a source of curriculum content of historical education.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Nafsiyatul Luthfiyah

Women condition seems far from the ideal in Indonesia, but they have relatively no terrible experiences such as extreme circumsition, “purdah”, seclusion, inequality, injustice of inheritance and marriage-divorce cases, felt by some of their Muslim women abroad. The factors contributed to the mischief include the truth claim on religious dogma among the misinformation Muslims experts and those who plan the anti Islam propaganda. In contrast, Indonesian women are proud in that the Islamic values and Indonesian culture do not oppose women role, opportunity and progress. As the result, Indonesia has rich history of women leaders and heros, among others, Laksamana Malahayati, Panglima Armada Aceh, Cut Nyak Dien, Cut Meutia, Nyi Ageng Serang, Raden Ajeng Kartini, and Rasuna Said. Nowadays, Indonesia has various women field and occupation, such as the government, ministry, parliament members, army forces, teacher, professor and academic position. Until recently, it includes feminist group that became one of interesting topics in Indonesian public.


Slovene ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-202
Author(s):  
Yakov A. Lazarev

The paper deals with questions regarding the formation of the modern Ukrainian nation and, particularly, the impact of the political activities and writings of G. A. Poletika (1725–1784). The author reconstructs the context of the genesis of Poletika’s views of the history of “Malorossiya” and the Zaporozhian Host. The paper shows that the debates about the rights and duties of the nobility, in which Poletika was deeply involved, could not produce radically new political language capable of questioning the integrity of the Russian Empire. This, in turn, derives from the fact that preservation of “Malorossiyan rights” was an important element of political bargaining for the Ukrainian Cossack elite. The purpose of this bargain was to consolidate the privileged position of the Cossack elite. In Poletika’s writings, the ideal of the “Hetmanate” or independent “Ukrainian Cossack state,” as well as feelings about the loss of the “Ukrainian state,” was absent, even though this concept was common to all Malorossiyan social groups. The Cossack past was considered by Poletika as an “age of misfortune,” in contrast to the Polish times. The author concludes that there were significant ruptures in the process of building the modern Ukrainian nation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 73-85
Author(s):  
Marek Mazurkiewicz

Participation of national and ethnic minorities in Polish political life after 1989The participation of national and ethnic minorities in Polish political life after 1989 is one of the achievements of democratic Poland. Tracing the history of minority participation in local and parliamentary elections after 1990 makes it clear that this history is dominated by the German minority. However, this does not mean that other minorities did not participate in political competition at the local, regional or national level, but rather that their participation was clearly more modest compared to the German minority. Participation in the political life of other minorities has mainly a local dimension, although these communities do not choose to participate in their own ethnic election committees. Perhaps their identity does not require confirmation in their political activities and preferences.


Author(s):  
Nguyen Trong Minh

During the history of the government of the Republic of Vietnam, the administration of president Dương Văn Minh was established on April 29, 1975, which had the shortest ruling time. This government cabinet consisted of many progressists who were representatives for the ideal of ending the war and national reconciliation. They gathered with general Dương Văn Minh to establish a new government at the end of the war. Although the government only lasted for a short time, it made an important contribution to the end of the Vietnam War. The establishment and regulation of Dương Văn Minh's Administration at the end of the war bore a really special meaning. It was the result of a process of advocacy and preparation by Vietnamese patriotic forces which tended to end the war humanely with less sufferings. Those contributions to this government's national history need to be acknowledged. In this article, the writer focuses on the contributions of Dương Văn Minh's administration to the end of the Vietnam War. Based on that, the article contributes an additional perspective on the technique to end the war of the Vietnamese people.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathews Mathew ◽  
Debbie Soon

Debates in Singapore about immigration and naturalisation policy have escalated substantially since 2008 when the government allowed an unprecedentedly large number of immigrants into the country. This essay will discuss immigration and naturalisation policy in Singapore and the tensions that have been evoked, and how these policies are a key tool in regulating the optimal composition and size of the population for the state’s imperatives. It will demonstrate that although the state has, as part of its broader economic and manpower planning policy to import labour for economic objectives, it seeks to retain only skilled labour with an exclusive form of citizenship.  Even as the Singapore state has made its form of citizenship even more exclusive by reducing the benefits that non-citizens receive, its programmes for naturalising those who make the cut to become citizens which include the recently created Singapore Citizenship Journey (SCJ) is by no means burdensome from a comparative perspective. This paper examines policy discourse and the key symbols and narratives provided at naturalisation events and demonstrates how these are used to evoke the sense of the ideal citizen among new Singaporeans. 


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