scholarly journals On the Power Change in Kyrgyzstan

Author(s):  
E. Ionova

For the third time, the change of power in Kyrgyzstan took place by force, as a result of riots. Although in these events one can trace the traditional confrontation of the northern and southern clans, the main reason for the acute political crisis was the deterioration of the already difficult economic situation in the republic caused by the pandemic. Against this background, the ambiguous results of the parliamentary elections became a detonator of protest actions that led to the resignation of the leaders of the republic. As a result of the coup, power passed to one of the leaders of the protesters, Sadyr Japarov, who took over as prime minister and acting President. If he wins the early presidential elections on January 10, 2021, he will become the new legitimate head of Kyrgyzstan. However, the situation in the country remains tense, the opposing parties and movements are preparing for the repeated parliamentary elections, hoping to take revenge. A destabilizing factor is also the projected deterioration of the economic and epidemiological situation, as well as the unjustified high expectations of those strata of the Kyrgyz society, on whose support Japarov relied. In order to ensure economic and social stability, he intends to expand ties with foreign partners (an agreement on lobbying the interests of Kyrgyzstan in the United States and other countries), which leads to the strengthening of the multi-vector foreign policy of Bishkek.

Significance He did not name a new prime minister. Over July 25-26, Saied dismissed Prime Minister Hicham Mechichi, dissolved his government, suspended parliament for 30 days, lifted parliamentary immunity and declared himself chief prosecutor, triggering Tunisia’s worst political crisis in a decade. Impacts The Ennahda party could be persecuted once again, this time on corruption charges, as the reconciliation offered excludes its members. Tunisia may become a new ideological battleground, pitting Turkey and Qatar against the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia and Egypt. The EU, the United States and Algeria have some influence on Tunisia and could perhaps play a moderating role.


Author(s):  
Alasdair Roberts

This chapter focuses on the third dilemma in the design of governance strategies: When leaders devise governance strategies, they must decide whether borders will emphasize separation or connection with the rest of the world. Such a decision is not easy, and different considerations—national security, economic growth, internal cohesion, human rights—may pull in opposite directions. In the early years of the republic, American leaders often emphasized separation from the rest of the world. In the twenty-first century, there are good reasons why American leaders must look beyond their borders. Some dangers—climate change, nuclear proliferation, terrorism, economic instability—can be addressed properly only by building international institutions that promote cooperation among states. The challenge for leaders is to build these institutions without appearing to betray people back home. The doctrine of universal human rights, consolidated over the last seventy years, complicates strategy-making even further, because it sometimes demands that foreigners be given treatment comparable to that of citizens. However, this doctrine might not be well understood or generally accepted by many people within the United States.


Author(s):  
Valery Yu. Mishin ◽  
◽  
Anna V. Simonenok ◽  

Moon Jae-in came to power in May 2017 in the wake of the Korean political crisis and impeachment of the previous president Park Geyn-hye. Since the very first days of his leadership President Moon has set a course for a sequential transformation of the inter-Korean relations and prevention of the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula. The cornerstone of his program was the idea that the denuclearization of North Korea and the establishment of the long-lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula is possible provided that the North-South relations are normalized and Pyongyang is involved into the constructive peaceful dialogue. The authors demonstrate how Moon Jae-in was able to start the renaissance in the inter-Koran relations. He used the experience of the previous liberal governments of the Republic of Korea and successfully developed and enhanced the famous Sunshine Policy with his own ideas. The first stage of Moon Jane-in's presidency was marked with some serious foreign policy achievements. Thanks to the tactic of “summit diplomacy” President Moon was able to achieve significant reduction in tensions on the Korean Peninsula, which resulted in the fact that relations between the North and the South became more friendly and trustworthy. The historical documents signed during these summits - the Panmunjom Declaration (April 2018) and the Comprehensive Military Agreement (September 2018) - and their fast practical implementation can also be considered as President Moon's success. Further advancement of Moon Jae-in's course for building positive relationships with the DPRK faced serious obstruction from the United States. The authors show how simultaneously with settlement of inter-Korean relations President Moon had to deal with another difficult task - neutralization of the external factors (US sanctions and disagreements between Washington and Pyongyang) that were harmful for the development of the North Korea-South Korea relations. The tactics of being a mediator between the United States and North Korea chosen by Moon Jae-in was quite efficient in the beginning. The blatant enemies - Pyongyang and Washington - clamped down on their confrontation and sat at the negotiating table. However, the intransigence of Washington on the issue of a gradual and phase-based denuclearization of North Korea and withdrawal of sanctions altogether with the non-constructive criticism of the South Korean opposition made Moon Jae-in a hostage of the situation, limiting his potentially independent and substantive steps in foreign policy. Meanwhile, the authors of the research have come to the conclusion that on some issues President Moon was able to achieve much more than his predecessors. Despite the fact that he was unable to achieve a full-scaled settlement of the inter-Korean relations he did everything possible under the existing circumstances. Nowadays one can say that the challenges of the North Korean nuclear missile program and security on the Korean Peninsula are no longer entirely military topics, they are even more likely to be diplomatic issues. This fact is un-doubtfully his great accomplishment. Thus, it is possible to foresee good perspectives for the further declining level of the regional tensions and for the development of the inter-Korean relations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 16-21
Author(s):  
Lyubov Shishelina ◽  

The article analyzes the possible reasons of the deepest political crisis in relations between the Czech Republic and Russia during еру last 50 years, which led to the unprecedented parade of mutual expulsion of diplomatic staff and exchange of unfriendly statements and actions. Among the probable reasons for the incident, the author names the internal political situation in the Czech Republic, when the parties are looking for all possible ways to increase their controversial political rating on the eve of parliamentary elections; the announced tender for the expansion of the Dukovany nuclear power plant, where Russia could compete with the United States, France and South Korea; a new round of increasing geopolitical influence in the region, associated with the planned overcoming of the consequences of the pandemic. The author notes the inadequacy of the actions of both sides in this conflict: the fundamental lack of proof of Russia's guilt in the explosions that occurred 7 years ago in the territory of armories in the Czech Republic; the excessively hasty and harsh reaction of Russia, which paralyzed the activities of the Czech Embassy in Moscow and could postpone for a long time the emergence of any positive agenda in the Czech-Russian relations in any sphere. According to the author, this situation does not benefit neither Russia nor the Czech Republic, and needs to look for all possible channels to overcome the consequences of populist and unjustified political actions.


Subject Spanish foreign policy. Significance Spain does not see itself replacing the United Kingdom as one of the ‘Big 3’ in driving EU policymaking and cooperation after Brexit. Instead, the government of Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez will seek to prioritise Spanish interests in the Mediterranean and on Brexit, and will become less preoccupied with EU cooperation and integration. Spain is seeking a more balanced and broader relationship with the United States, but there is tension over the political crisis in Venezuela and trade issues. Impacts Relations with the United States will become more difficult, especially if President Donald Trump is re-elected. Although Spain would like to shift its regional emphasis towards Asia, Venezuela and the coronavirus could nullify that ambition. Immigration is now a priority, as further illegal inflows would fuel support for the far-right Vox party.


Author(s):  
А. Yu. Skakov ◽  
V. М. Мukhanov

The article analyses the political situation in Abkhazia in 2017, namely, the activities of the government and the opposition, parliamentary elections, their results and the power balance in the new legislative body. It also studies the existence of the third force, which is a topical issue in Abkhazian society. The author examines the grave socio-economic situation in the Republic this year, which continues to worsen, and comes to the conclusion that the reasons for this deterioration are the failure of the tourist season and catastrophic Abkhazian reputation losses. Besides, the article scrutinizes the main problems in Russian-Abkhazian relations, the aggravation of the crime situation in Abkhazia, the current church footing (splits in church congregations) and issue regarding the Gali residents’ status.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-113
Author(s):  
N. E. Anikeeva

In this article the author analyses the development of political process in Spain between the two crises of 2015–2016 and 2019–2020, highlighting the strong suits and problem issues of the domestic political debate, including the Catalan issue, as well as the problem related to the migration aspect. An overview of the evolution of the country’s foreign policy agenda is presented, including the foreign policy course towards the Russian Federation. The author analyzes political and economic aspects after the general parliamentary elections of June 26, 2016, which resulted in overcoming the governmental crisis that began in Spain in December 2015 and establishing Mariano Rajoy the head of the Popular Party (PP) government. The latest cabinet of the PP government was approved in November 2016. Rajoy himself had been serving as a Prime Minister of Spain from December 2011 to June 2018. Soon, a new stage in the political history of the Spanish state began, which was associated with the rise to power of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) led by Pedro Sánchez since 2018. PSOE thus won the parliamentary elections in Spain on April 28, 2019. The next elections in 2019 were held on November 10 and turned out to be much more complex and unpredictable than the previous one. PSOE stroke a similar political balance of power to that of April. Confirmation of Pedro Sánchez as a Prime Minister of Spain in January 2020 ended a protracted political crisis in the country, when the Spanish government had been in an acting status for some eight months.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anwar Firdaus Mutawally

This article aims to explain how the government system and the history of the administration of the State of East Indonesia from 1946-1950. The method used in this study is a historical method with data collection techniques using library research. The State of East Indonesia (NIT) was formed through two negotiations, namely the Malino Negotiation and the Denpasar Conference in 1946. The system of government of the State of East Indonesia is held by the president, prime minister, and chairman of the parliament, while regional government is led by the king. The beginning of the NIT administration was passed with instability, political turmoil, and tenuous relations with the Republic of Indonesia. However, during the reign of the prime minister Anak Agung things changed and NIT was able to improve relations with RI and help RI to gain its sovereignty. In 1949, NIT merged into the state of the Republic of the United States of Indonesia (RIS). After becoming part of the RIS state, there was a mass movement in NIT and demonstrators asked for NIT to be disbanded and reintegrated into RI. There was resistance by Chris Soumokil and Andi Azis to stop the process of integrating NIT into RI by carrying out a rebellion. However, their efforts failed and in April 1950, NIT began preparations to rejoin RI. Finally, the State of East Indonesia was officially dissolved on 17 August 1950 when President Soekarno dissolved the RIS.


Significance The Israel Defence Forces (IDF) are now searching intensively for new tunnels on the Israeli side of the border, while Israel's leadership is warning Hamas of consequences if the organisation decides to use them to carry out an attack inside Israel. Impacts If a new war breaks out, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu will try to broaden his coalition. He will avoid launching a full-scale war for fear of Israeli casualties and the lack of a credible alternative to Hamas rule in Gaza. Washington will call for restraint, but is not likely to admonish Israel publicly, as the United States approaches presidential elections. Prospects for reconciliation between Israel and Turkey will be set back. Egypt and the PA will pay lip service to Gaza's plight, but will not take any actions to help their opponents, Hamas.


Subject Israeli voting trends and government stability. Significance Israel's political landscape has been fragmented throughout the country's history, with elections regularly producing unstable coalition governments. There have been 34 governments in the 67 years since the state's founding. Earlier this year parliamentary elections produced yet another coalition government headed by Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and his centre right Likud party. Netanyahu was only able to return to power with a coalition of the narrowest possible majority (61 out of 120 seats). This reflects longer-term trends in Israeli politics that will play a major role in the shape and stability of its governments in the years to come. Impacts Long-term economic planning will become harder as smaller parties exact financial concessions for their communities in coalition talks. Centrist parties will have declining influence over policy as low turnout afflicts their support base. Relations with the United States and Europe will become more tense, increasing the risk of Israel's international isolation.


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