scholarly journals Relations Between the Soviet Government and the Technical Intelligentsia in 1917–1919

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 23-33
Author(s):  
Shevtsov Vyacheslav V ◽  
◽  
Vyachisty Dmitry D. ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Social Group ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Professional Group ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Social ◽  
Short Period

The article presents an overview of the political measures of the Soviet government to marginalize the socio-professional group of technical intelligentsia in 1917–1919. The article describes the process of forming the attitude of the Soviet government to the social group of technical specialists in the conditions of the accomplished October revolution and the Civil war in the country. The political writings of V. I. Lenin as the leader of the Bolshevik party and the head of the country regarding the place of technical specialists in the social space of the new state were characterized. The motives of the authorities in implementing a change in the social status of technical specialists were identified. Through the use of the historical-genetic method, the study analyzes the consecutive statements of V. I. Lenin regarding this socio-professional group was carried out. As a result of this, the periodization of the development of their relationships was constructed. The construction of such a chronology is relevant, because it makes possible to assess the motives of the actions of the Bolshevik government from the point of view of a specific goal setting, not from the standpoint of the class struggle, but in the search for the most effective way to overcome it. At the beginning, the authorities tried to create pragmatic relations with engineers, but seeing their refusal to cooperate, they took a course to stigmatize and marginalize them as a social group. As a result of this discrediting, the only buyer of their services became the Soviet government, using them centrally in the most important fields of production and economy. The authorities were forced to abandon further marginalization in the face of the difficult situation on Civil war, the small number of remaining specialists and the low efficiency of their work. In this regard, the process of rehabilitation of engineers was initiated, authorized by V. I. Lenin at the VIII Congress of the Bolshevik party. The head of state in a short period managed to organize a campaign to discredit the specialists, after which they were forced to abandon the anti-Soviet rhetoric and begin to integrate into society on the terms proposed by the Bolsheviks. Keywords: engineers, technical specialists, intellectuals, V. I. Lenin, Bolsheviks, class struggle

Class Struggle and Socialist Construction: The Hungarian Paradox

Slavic Review ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. von Lazar
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Industrial Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

This article examines the relationship between the semantics of ideology and political practice under the pressure of socio-economic change in Hungary of the early 1960s, especially 1962-63. The events of 1956 forced the Communist Party elite to recognize the imperative need for internal social change and for control over its dynamics. Manipulation of social forces and ideological currents became a day-to-day concern as soon as it was realized that the political system must rely to an increasing extent upon the introduction of policies which induced support for the system itself—a need undoubtedly arising out of the social transformation that accompanies a developing and modernizing industrial society.

The Concept of Primacy in Historical Explanation

1982 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton Fisk
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Technological Development ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Explanation ◽  
The Social

AbstractG.A. Cohen interprets Marx as a technological materialist: the productive forces are “primary” in history. There are several mistakes here. First, for Marx technology is neither always nor predominantly the direct stimulus - either causal or functional - of the social relations of production. Second, it is not even the case that for Marx primacy in explanation is a matter of being a direct stimulus. It has to do rather with being a framework that underlies interconnections between direct stimuli and their results. It turns out that this framework cannot be technology but only the relations of production. Third, technological development is not an autonomous process but is for Marx one that is dependent on the cooperation of producers. This introduces the political element of the class struggle into technological development and refutes a technological reading of why a given class rules.

scholarly journals Mass Media as an Instrument of Propaganda Policy During the Civil War in Siberia

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-80
Author(s):  
Yuri Petrushin ◽  
Olga Shilova
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Information Transfer ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Information Dissemination ◽  
Specific Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Government Propaganda ◽  
The Government

The article studies information systems of the main political centres operating in Siberia during the Civil War. The Soviet government, the White movement, the allied forces of the Entente were developing a large-scale propaganda in their struggle for power. The articles studies the methods and forms of confrontation of the political centres, their strong and weak points, as well as the channels of information transfer and means of information dissemination. The role of the information aspect during the Civil War in Siberia has not been studied properly so far. One does not have a complete scientific notion of how mass media were related to different political regimes and allies in Siberia. Therefore, the history of the political centres’ struggle for power needs to be widely researched applying interdisciplinary synthesis. It is necessary to consider the information-propaganda policy of the political centres as a specific activity of the governments of Siberia and allies, and as a significant instrument of implementing a new state ideology. In addition, the article discusses the information propaganda policy of the foreign countries participating in the Civil War, revealing the ideological views imposed by the government propaganda of the political centres. Studying the press, telegraph and printing has allowed to define the specific features of the information policy of the political centres. Controlling mass media, effectively set political propaganda contributed to the government stability. The First World War and, then, the Civil War became the pivot point that helped the political centres realise that mass media are the main allies in a crisis as the role and significance of information in society increases profoundly.

scholarly journals The Ukrainian People’s Gromada in the Civil War: Ukrainian Conservatives, Russian Statists, or Little Russian Patriots?

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anton Chemakin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central State ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Short Period ◽  
State Archives

This article is devoted to the Ukrainian People’s Gromada (UPG), the organization of Little Russian landlords which played a prominent part in the political life of Ukraine and South Russia during the Civil War. Ukrainian historiography treats the UPG as an organisation of Ukrainian conservatives and assigns it the key role in the Hetman coup d’état of April 1918. There is also a widespread opinion that the Gromada was dissolved immediately after Hetman P. P. Skoropadsky took power. This work aims to reconsider traditional views on UPG and, with reference to new archival sources, prove the following: the role of the Gromada in the coup d’état was exaggerated considerably; the UPG continued to exist after Skoropadsky took power; and one can doubt the “Ukrainian” nature of the organisation, despite its name. Based on Skoropadsky’s memoirs and the accounts of other witnesses, as well as some German sources, the author proves that the Gromada was not the leading force in the coup d’état, but only the organisation which prepared lists of candidates to be included in the new government. The sources kept in the Central State Archives of the Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine and the Hoover Institution Archives that are devoted to the activities of the UPG from the summer of 1918 to the spring of 1919 have not been made public previously. After the directorate seized power, the leaders of the Gromada fled from Kiev to Odessa. There they took part in local political intrigues and tried to distance themselves from Hetman Skoropadsky and the project of the Ukrainian state. The UPG leaders, who had previously viewed themselves as Ukrainian “samostiyniks”, now proclaimed that they were not Ukrainians, but Little Russians and “Russian statists”. An attempt is made to analyse the reasons why UPG members moved from the Russian political camp to the Ukrainian one and back several times in a comparatively short period. Based on research in the field of “nationalism studies”, the author concludes that the Gromada members had traditional, pre-modern views on the nation (in this case as a corporation of Little Russian nobility), which, together with their desire to adapt to the ever-changing political situation and fight for their privileges and economic interests, made it possible for them to keep joining Russian and Ukrainian nationalists interchangeably without perceiving their actions as national treason. The study of this topic makes it possible to address the Little Russian nobility’s behaviour in the Civil War and their attempts to integrate into Ukrainian or Russian national projects.

scholarly journals Post-nationalism and Recollecting the Nigerian Civil War Memories through Hero Beer Brands Marketing in Igboland, Southeast Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Obinna U. Muoh ◽  
◽  
Uche Uwaezuoke Okonkwo ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
War Memories ◽  
Ethnic Nationality ◽  
Nigerian Civil War

Since the failed attempt at secession from Nigeria in 1970, after a 30-month civil war, the Igbo ethnic nationality—who constituted the majority of the defunct Biafra Republic, have sought avenues to (re)create the memories of the short-lived country.In the political space, they attempted establishing Ohaneze Ndigbo—as an umbrella socio-political organization for recreating and projecting the Igbo agenda. This, to a large extent, has not achieved the desired objectives. Not surprisingly, militia groups have sprung up since 1999 when an Igbo failed to secure Presidential race ticket to agitate the actualization of the sovereign state of Biafra. These groups include Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), and recently the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). However, pop circle provided the much needed social space for Biafra nostalgic displays. In 2012, Hero Beer advert better known as O Mpa, a coined greeting style by Onitsha people for great achievers with reference to Ojukwu father figure in the Biafran struggle was launched. This study examines the nexus between beer advertorials and ethnic identity using the Igbo example. It argues that the advertorials successfully permeated into the psychology of Igbo beer drinkers, who attached ethnic connections to them and appropriated them as theirs, using the brands to recreate the memories of Biafran struggle of Independence from 1967-1970.

The Political Ideas of the Opus Dei in Spain

1973 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie Mackenzie
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Social Classes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Organization ◽  
Spiritual Values ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Social ◽  
Banking Business

THE OPUS DEI WAS FOUNDED AS A RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION IN 1928 by Father Escrivá de Balaguer in Spain. Its existence is public but its membership has always been secret. During the period of the Civil War it went briefly underground, to re-emerge in Nationalist Spain. In 1947 it was recognized as the first Secular Institute by the Pope and the centre of the organization moved to Rome. It has been most successful in Spain where it profited from the extremely favourable conditions created by Franco's government for Catholic groups. Its aim was the re-conversion of all social classes and especially intellectual and bourgeois groups to a universal Catholic spirituality. It worked towards this aim through the positioning of its members in places of power within society: preferably in university chairs, banking, business or bureaucratic positions. Each member had the duty to lead an upright Catholic life and at the same time to convert the maximum possible number of his fellows to active Catholicism (or to membership of the Opus Dei), through the example of his life. This implied not only proficiency and diligence at work, but also the traditional spiritual values such as humility, chastity, obedience, etc. Escrivá de Balaguer argued that the further Opus members could rise up the social ladder the more influence they would have on society in general and on their fellows.

Office under Queen Elizabeth: the Case of Lord Hunsdon and the Lord Chamberlainship in 1585

1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Stone
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
English Civil War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Small Minority ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Political Evolution ◽  
The Social ◽  
Economic Advancement ◽  
Stuart England ◽  
Similar Letter

In recent years considerable attention has been focused on the role played by the Court and government office in the social and political evolution of Elizabethan and Early Stuart England. Professor Trevor-Roper has treated office under the Crown as a smooth highroad to economic advancement, one of the principal causes of such rise of the gentry as may have occurred. According to this view, the political antecedents of the English Civil War are best interpreted in terms of the polarities of Court and Country: it was reaction against an overgrown and corruptly lucrative Court that inspired the opposition in 1640; it was desire to dismantle the whole centralizing apparatus which inspired the policy of the Independents in the late 1640s and the 1650s. Others, including Professor Aylmer and myself, have subjected officialdom to detailed inspection and have concluded that its rewards were usually modest, especially under Elizabeth and Charles I, its personnel was restricted in numbers, and its more spectacular beneficiaries were a very small minority. The recently published letter of Sir Edward Stanhope to Thomas Viscount Wentworth, advising him to refuse the Deputyship of Ireland in 1631, has cast a flood of light on contemporary attitudes towards the acceptance of at least one high office. Forty-six years before, when Henry Carey, 1st Earl of Hunsdon, was offered the Lord Chamberlainship of the Royal Household, he received a similar letter of warning from a close follower.

scholarly journals Молодѐжь как социальная группа

2021 ◽  
Vol 70 (6) ◽  
pp. 126-129
Author(s):  
А.С. Аутлова
Keyword(s):  
Social Behavior ◽  
Young People ◽  
Social Group ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Living Conditions ◽  
Value Orientations ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
The Social ◽  
Modern Russian

The article describes the characteristics of youth as a special social group, which is distinguished by specific living conditions, work, social behavior and psychology, as well as a system of value orientations. The aim of the study is to analyze the position of young people in the social space of modern Russian society in a theoretical-methodological and empiricalsociological analysis.

The History of Muslims and Christians in Papua: Tracing Cultural and Religious Heritage

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-106
Author(s):  
Cahyo Pamungkas
Keyword(s):  
Social Space ◽  
Social World ◽  
Sociology Department ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Agents ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
The University ◽  
The Relationship

This is article derived from a thesis study in the Sociology Department of the University of Indonesia in 2008 exploring socio-economic, socio-political and socio-cultural contexts playing their roles in the formation of the political and religious fields along with their respective ‘habitus’ of the social agents in the Papua land. This paper discusses the history of the term “papua” itself based on a historical study conducted by Solewijn Gelpke (1993). Based on historical approach, the relationship between Muslims and Christians in Papua can be traced as a religious and cultural heritage. Also, by using a sociological conception elaborated by Bourdieu (1992: 9), we may view the Papua land as a social space encompassing all conceptions of the social world. Bourdieu’s social space conception considers the social reality as a topology (Harker, 1990).

Orphans during the Civil War: from homelessness to concentration camps

2019 ◽  
pp. 260-271
Author(s):  
Pavel Shcherbinin ◽  
Aleksei Chubarov ◽  
Ylia Shcherbinina
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Concentration Camps ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
The Social ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
Red Army ◽  
Chronological Period

We investigate specifically and comprehensively the orphans situation and transformation of social protection system in the Civil War years and its ultimate phase Tambov Rebellion in the Tambov Governorate through the lens of children’s everyday life and policy of the Soviet government. On the basis of a wide complex of primary materials attraction, first of all archival documents, we representatively and specially investigate various little-known aspects of the scien-tific problem declared in study. We generalize practices of children survival in the incredibly bloody and violent clashes of rebels and parts of the Red Army in one region – Tambov Gover-norate. We reveal the conditions of children placement in concentration camps, as well as attempts of the authorities to regulate their situation, to stabilize the morbidity of children and catastrophic child mortality. We provide the specific data on the peculiarities of orphans charity in the conditions of Civil War, Tambov Rebellion, new economic policy at the regional and county level, which allows to evaluate not only the social policy of the Soviet government, but also the survival of children’s society in the chronological period under consideration. We clarify the consequences of taking rebel family members (residents of the region who joined A.S. Antonov) hostage and using children as an attractive mechanism to combat “banditry”. We specially consider the influence of “party and class” selection of children at their admission to orphanages, as well as taking into account their social origin, the position of parents. We reveal the main results of the new economic policy (NEP) impact on children’s social protection and the constriction of the existing practice of orphans charity in the conditions of the actual cessation of funding for many children’s institutions. We draw conclusions about the historical experience, traditions and features of the children survival, including orphans at the regional level (governorate and county) in the conditions of hunger strikes of the 20s of the 20th century, which allowed to successfully reconstruct the actual population situation of the Tambov Governorate in the post-revolutionary period. We give the characteristics of the local authorities’ policy, the interaction of the capital and the regions in the conditions of almost incessant cataclysms and social disasters of the first years of Soviet power.

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