How the West Was Bought: How a 'Simple' Payment to Compensate Local Governments Became an Uncontrollable Federal Subsidy

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devin Thomas Kenney
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-30
Author(s):  
Priyatno Harsasto

Social capital is a result of social movement  and vice versa. Social movement’s theories such as the mobilization of resource model tries to explain the anatomy of collective action in the context of liberal political system in the West. These theories can be used to dechiper collective action in general but may be not enough to explain rural social action in Indonesia which under transitional democracy political regime. In present rural Indonesia,  social movement participated by “weak” groups of peasants break out most frequently. These peasents movements are against local governments or enterprises who distupt citizens’  rights. The civic protest against semen enterprise in Maitan Village in Pati District is the case in point. The social networks created thecollective action. However, the horizontal networks among  protesters themselves cannot be succesful without the help of vertical network such as support that they may have received from high-ranking officials in the local government bureaucracy.


Author(s):  
Timothy Rich ◽  
Andi Dahmer ◽  
Isabel Eliassen

How does Asia compare to other regions in terms of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) rights? While Asia lags behind the West on typical metrics of LGBT rights, this fails to capture the diversity of tolerance historically in the region. At the same time, conservative backlashes to LGBT policies are evident across the region, often invoking traditionalist or religious opposition, as also seen outside of the region. Moreover, much of the literature myopically focuses on one or two countries in Asia, rarely attempting to make broad comparisons across East, South, and Central Asia. Part of this is due to terminology differences, where “homosexual” is commonly used in some countries as a catch-all term for members of the LGBT community, compared to others in the region countries, especially in South Asia, with a longer history of specialized terminology for transgendered people. Yet broader comparisons in the absence of terminology differences remain rare despite growing attention to LGBT issues in public opinion polls, news, and academic work and despite the fact that the legal avenues chosen by LGBT rights proponents often mirror those chosen in the West. State policies on LGBT policies also range considerably in the region, with only Taiwan currently recognizing same-sex marriage at the national level, but with decriminalization and antidiscrimination policies at the national and local levels increasingly common. However, a commonly overlooked trend is that of harsher LGBT policies enacted by local governments. Meanwhile, despite trends in the West of growing public tolerance on LGBT issues, far less consistency emerges in Asia, further complicating state efforts. It is important to highlight Asia’s diversity in terms of rights and tolerance, but it is equally important to integrate evidence from Asia into cross-national research on LGBT issues to understand what is unique about the region and what may have been ignored in other regions.


Author(s):  
Hiroshi Mitani

The Meiji Revolution (1853–1890) transformed Japan from a double-headed federation state with hereditary status system into a unitary monarchy that afforded greater rights and freedoms to the Japanese people. After ending the revolution by the establishment of constitutional monarchy, Japan promoted industrialization that would later energetically support its imperial expansion during the first half of the 20th century. Intellectuals during the late Edo period (1603–1868) became disillusioned with the hereditary system of the Tokugawa regime. Because tradition prohibited them from criticizing any upper authorities directly, the intellectuals capitalized on a threat from outside to advocate for the necessity of political reforms, when Western envoys urged the opening of Japan toward the West after more than 200 years of seclusion. The intellectuals at first appealed to their lords to recreate military powers. Soon, they directed their efforts towards the emperor in Kyoto, and began to criticize the Tokugawa Shogunate openly. After ten years of political negotiations and small civil wars, they finally chose imperial restoration to oust the Tokugawa and set out for a series of radical reforms that would abolish local governments, dismantle samurai status, integrate discriminated people with commoners, and introduce various social institutions from the West. Interesting characteristics distinguish the Meiji Revolution from other modern revolutions. For one, it fully utilized the authority of monarchy. Second, it appealed to the symbol “return to our ideal past” instead of the symbol “Progress.” Third, the death toll was also quite low: about 30,000, in contrast to 2,000,000 in French Revolution. At first glance, these characteristics would seem to set the Meiji Revolution apart from European movements—nevertheless, the Meiji Revolution inaugurated the beginning of an egalitarian and free society, and careful examination of the Meiji Revolution has the potential to shed new light on hidden aspects of other modern revolutions across the globe.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (10) ◽  
pp. 191-204
Author(s):  
Ratna Januarita ◽  
Frency Siska ◽  
Eka An Aqimuddin

In the National Medium-Term Development Plan 2015-2019 especially in West Java Province, namely the construction of Kertajati Airport, located in Majalengka Regency. Therefore, the West Java provincial government has drawn up Regional Regulation No. 13 of 2010 concerning the Development and Development of West Java International Airport and Kertajati Aerocity. Kertajati Aerocity will carry out its duty to promote and strengthen the creation of an engine of economic growth in the western part of Indonesia that will involve the participation of local governments, the central government, investors and the community. So, the purpose of this article is to analyze the investment scheme in the development of Aerocity Kertajati in Majalengka Regency which is oriented to the principles of good corporate governance. The conclusion of this article is the Investment Scheme in Kertajati Aerocity Development in Majalengka Regency, West Java, namely through cooperation between PT BIJB and investors (land authorities) in terms of land acquisition and development cooperation relationships and development of the Aerocity Kertajati area. Investment Scheme in Kertajati Aerocity Development in Majalengka Regency, West Java Oriented Principles of Good Corporate Governance namely by implementing Good Government Governance, namely the government as one of the parties in its role of building and developing the Aerocity Kertajati area must refer to good values, clean and fair, and Good Corporate Governance must be reflected in the management of PT BIJB's business activities as an extension of the West Java provincial government covering transparency, accountability, responsibility, independence, and justice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 00038
Author(s):  
Resha Ayu Putri Belinawati ◽  
Tri Edhi Budhi Soesilo ◽  
Donna Asteria ◽  
Riza Harmain

Citarum River is one of the most polluted river in the word. The pollution is not only derived from plant waste, but also household waste to livestock. West Java Government has a policy to handle Citarum problems, called Citarum Bestari Program. Citarum Bestari expected to solve pollution problems in Citarum River. This paper seeks to attempt the position of the West Java Government policy in the face of SDGs, particularly in this research will using qualitative methods, which is supported by the concept of David Easton political system. The author would like to see any input that may affect the policy-making in the local government with a political ecology approach. Support and demand for local governments of West Java is quite a lot already, not only from the international community but also among local residents and NGOs. This happens because many environmental impacts that occurred lately, such as flooding. Pollution that occurred along the Citarum River should be of particular concern for the Government of West Java, takes a neutral policy and strict supervision. Not only policies that benefit one of the parties (producers) but also to the other party (the environment and society).


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-358
Author(s):  
Habip Uluçay ◽  
Şevket Alp

Western Civilization explains local governments and local democracy in the literature. It is emphasized that Eastern Civilization cannot produce a local government, local democracy. There is no emphasis on how local governments are shaped in the Ottoman/Eastern regions. Liberal history thesis; It is based in the West, and reads the relationship between the modern state and the local state. It is not his job to define pre-modernization. It evaluates the other parts of the world according to whether it fits the west. The material ground is the relations of production. According to this approach, there is no Islamic city or Eastern city. In this article, the traces of pre-modernization of the city administration in the Ottoman Empire, which is both Islam and the East, are examined and the invalidity of this thesis is examined. In this study, the Kadi Institution will be examined in order to trace the local government and local democracy in the Ottoman Empire. In this study, firstly, Kadi as an institution of Islam will be dealt with, and then the Ottoman State, Kadi Institution, Kadi appointment procedures and the hierarchy of the Kadi Institution, the duties of the Kadi and their role in the city will be emphasized. Finally, the changes in the Kadi institution and local government/local democracy with the modernization process will be evaluated by considering Tanzimat Edict and Islahat Edict.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 533-546 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laam Hae

This paper examines how South Korean policy field in the 1990s adopted Western style place-marketing strategies, and put them into practice as cultural revitalization programs of different Korean cities. The emergence of place marketing in Korea as a new paradigm for local growth stems from Korea’s transition from a developmental to a post-developmental system, which was a conjunctural outcome of democratization, neoliberalization and administrative decentralization of the early 1990s. This paper interrogates how place marketing traveled from the West to Korea in this context. In particular, it attends to how critical urbanists in Korea became a vanguard in mobilizing and developing place marketing for different local governments, perceiving it as a progressive alternative to the authoritarian, economy-centric developmentalist urban paradigm of the previous decades, despite its entanglement in the neoliberal urban paradigm of the West. The paper also examines the contradictions and conflicts that place-marketing policies have generated across different places in Korea.


Author(s):  
Andrew Ross

In November 2006, just as the real estate bubble was running out of hot air, Arizona voters approved a proposition with drastic consequences for land-use regulation. Proposition 207 was promoted as a property-rights initiative that barred municipalities from taking private property through eminent domain for some other private development. In this respect, it was a direct response to the Supreme Court’s 2005 Kelo ruling, which had partially legalized such powers. But a more far-reaching, and less publicized, provision of the Arizona proposition required local governments to compensate property owners if a government action, such as a zoning change or enactment of an environmental or other land-use law, led to a drop in the property’s value. Bankrolled by Howard Rich, a libertarian developer tycoon from New York, the initiative was pushed onto the ballot in several states, but Arizona voters were the only ones to bite. Passage of the proposition put a large question mark over all plans to alter land use in the state. Fear of lawsuits that could drain their coffers prompted city officials to think twice about making any changes to zoning ordinances, the bread and butter of municipal planning. More comprehensive eff orts at regulating fringe growth or re-urbanizing downtown areas were beset by uncertainty about the newly hostile legal landscape. Prop 207 was the latest, and most urban, challenge to the exercise of government power over land use in the West. The Sagebrush rebellion of the 1970s and 1980s, which pushed for more local control over public land holdings, was a rural assault on federal regulatory efforts such as the protection of environmentally sensitive land as wilderness. The ensuing rise of the anti-takings movement, launched by Richard Epstein’s 1985 book, Takings : Private Property and the Power of Eminent Domain was also directed against government support for environmentally minded initiatives like smart growth. Fallout from these backlashes turned the West into a prime zone of conflict over land use.


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