scholarly journals Membedah Diskursus Modal Sosial dan Gerakan Sosial: Kasus Penolakan Pabrik Semen di Desa Maitan, Kabupaten Pati

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-30
Author(s):  
Priyatno Harsasto
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The West ◽  
The Social ◽  
Government Bureaucracy ◽  
Horizontal Networks

Social capital is a result of social movement  and vice versa. Social movement’s theories such as the mobilization of resource model tries to explain the anatomy of collective action in the context of liberal political system in the West. These theories can be used to dechiper collective action in general but may be not enough to explain rural social action in Indonesia which under transitional democracy political regime. In present rural Indonesia,  social movement participated by “weak” groups of peasants break out most frequently. These peasents movements are against local governments or enterprises who distupt citizens’  rights. The civic protest against semen enterprise in Maitan Village in Pati District is the case in point. The social networks created thecollective action. However, the horizontal networks among  protesters themselves cannot be succesful without the help of vertical network such as support that they may have received from high-ranking officials in the local government bureaucracy.

Peasant Resistance in Ethiopia: the Case of Weyane

1984 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gebru Tareke
Keyword(s):  
Social Action ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
The Other ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Social Basis ◽  
The Social ◽  
Pastoral Communities ◽  
The Government ◽  
Peasant Resistance

Weyane was a spontaneous, localized peasant uprising with limited objectives. It occurred in 1943 because several disaffected social groups in the eastern part of Tigrai believed that they could defeat or at least extract substantial concessions from a weak transitional government. The multiplicity of objectives roughly correspond to the divergent interests of the participants: the sectarian nobility wanted a greater share in the regional reallocation of power, the semi-pastoral communities of the lowlands were interested in pre-empting feudal incorporation, and the highland cultivators wanted to terminate the excessive demands of officialdom and militia. The convergence of these forces made Weyane possible; the disorganization of the ruling strata and the subsequent defection of a segment of the territorial nobility enormously enhanced the peasants' capacity for collective action. But this very heterogeneity comprised the peasants' objectives. The revolt lacked a coherent set of goals, nor did it have a specific program for social action. The rebels attacked neither the legitimacy of the monarchy nor the ideological basis of the Ethiopian aristocracy. In the end, Weyane buttressed the feudal order, and was probably instrumental in strengthening Ethiopia's neo-colonial link with the West. In the aftermath of rebellion, the Tigrai nobility did get its rights and prerogatives recognized, to the same extent that the nobility in the other northern provinces did. The government undercut the nobility's political autonomy, but paid the price of reinforcing their social position. On the other hand, in reaction to Weyane, the state destroyed the social basis of clan authority and autonomy, and reduced the Raya and Azebo to landless peasants. Weyane marked the end of conflict between centrifugal and centralizing forces, but did not eliminate the social roots of popular protest.

scholarly journals Networking Alone? Digital Communications and Collective Action in Vietnam

2015 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 123-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Kurfürst
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Digital Networks ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Bauxite Mining ◽  
The Social ◽  
Power Differentials ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Diverse Groups

This article explores the potential for the formation of collective action in Vietnam. Referring to land and labour protests, bauxite mining, anti-China demonstrations, as well as the revision of the 1992 Constitution, the article examines the social movement repertoires diverse groups have adopted to reach their objectives. Drawing on social movement theory and communication power, this contribution shows that apart from access to the technology, citizens’ opportunities to participate in digital networks as well as access to the default communication network of the state are necessary prerequisites in order to attain public attention and possibly to achieve social change. Moreover, this article shows that existing power differentials in Vietnam are reproduced in digital space. It concludes that for different collective behaviours to result in a social movement, it is essential to “switch” and to connect the different networks. For the moment, the call to protect Vietnam's sovereignty offers common ground for collective action.

The Place of Social Learning and Social Movement in Transformative Learning

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Westoby ◽  
Kristen Lyons
Keyword(s):  
Transformative Learning ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Community Organizing ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Community Based Education ◽  
Resource Conflict ◽  
The Social ◽  
Educational Methodology

This article analyses the sustainability school (SS) program of the National Association of Professional Environmentalists (NAPE), Uganda. The focus is on how the social network, enabled by the SS program, fosters social and transformative learning. The significance of this approach to community-based education for social change, including in the context of resource conflict and displacement, is considered. Findings focus on the local-level impacts of the program, including the ways in which collective and community organizing, and educational methodology shape both social and transformative learning. Discussion considers the importance of not only the “social” element of transformative learning but the need—within conflict and dangerous contexts—to link the social explicitly to building organization and a social movement that provides a structural container for people to engage in critical thinking and social action.

Le Lions Clubs au Bénin : un club caritatif qui pratique une liturgie à dessein politique

2017 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-219
Author(s):  
Jean-Frédéric De Hasque
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Religion ◽  
The Social ◽  
Pan Africanism ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
New Form

The comparison of meetings and protocol of the Lions Clubs in a ritual, offers an opportunity to measure the political impact of this community and the effect the meetings have outside the circle. The study also allows us to understand the importance of the Lions Clubs in Africa, where it cannot be reduced to a meeting of wealthy people seduced by the opulence and the opportunity to find new sources of profit. Lions are compared by population to diplomats because of their appearance, wearing uniforms and medals and are received by the highest political authorities from other nations. In the West this behaviour is seen as a caricature of governance but for members the meetings offer occasions for work and friendship. This appears like political religion because of the hidden goal: to conquer the independence of Africa in the Lions Clubs. This objective is facilitated by the explosion in the number of African members showing the social movement that rages at the top levels of society. The African elite, by its transformation of charity into political rally, proposes a new form of pan-Africanism.

Is Democracy Possible in Russia?

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Andrei Val’terovich Grinëv
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Political System ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The West ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
The Past

Abstract This article discusses the question of why a Western-style democracy has not been formed in Russia. The prerequisite for the formation of a democracy as a political regime is the domination of small and medium-sized private property and a middle class. Since the middle class has been small in Russia throughout most of its history for a number of objective reasons, the country has hardly known full-fledged democracy, and the current political system only imitates it. Russia’s attempts to enter the trajectory of democratic development—both in the early twentieth century, and since the early 1990s–have failed, and the trend of abandoning the basic principles of democracy has prevailed over the past two decades. The blame for this lies not only on the current Russian leadership but to no lesser extent on the political leadership of the West, which for the sake of short-term self-serving interests or political ambitions has contributed much to the formation of the current Russian regime.

scholarly journals Crossing Categorical Boundaries: A Study of Diversification by Social Movement Organizations

2019 ◽  
Vol 84 (3) ◽  
pp. 420-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan J. Wang ◽  
Hayagreeva Rao ◽  
Sarah A. Soule
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Organization Theory ◽  
Social Movement Organizations ◽  
The Core ◽  
Movement Organization ◽  
Organizational Activity ◽  
The Social ◽  
Movement Organizations ◽  
Do So

When do protest organizations borrow issues or claims that are outside their traditional domains? Sociologists have examined the consequences of borrowing claims across movement boundaries, but not the antecedents of doing so. We argue that movement boundaries are strong when there is consensus about the core claims of a social movement, which we measure by cohesion and focus. Cohesion and focus enhance the legitimacy of a movement and impede member organizations from adopting claims associated with other movements. Analyzing movement organizational activity at U.S.-based protest events from 1960 to 1995, we find that a social movement organization is less likely to adopt claims from other movements when the social movement in which it is embedded exhibits high cohesion and focus. However, when movement organizations do borrow claims, they are more likely to do so by borrowing from movements that themselves exhibit high cohesion and focus. We describe the application of our findings to organization theory, social movements, and field theoretic approaches to understanding social action.

Identity Politics, Social Movement and the State: ‘Pan-African’ Associations and the Making of an ‘African community’ in Belgium

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Grégoire
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
The State ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
Pan African ◽  
The Social ◽  
African Community ◽  
Sub Saharan

Abstract Drawing on a social movement theoretical framework, the paper explores the collective action desires and attempts expressed within the African associational milieu in Belgium to improve the social, economic and political being of the African-rooted people in Belgium. It thus focuses on the emergence of non-profit organisations aiming at mobilising people of sub-Saharan African descent under a common ‘Pan-African’ banner. It analyses the link between the context for the emergence of these associations ‐ in which the state played an important role ‐ their working modes and their members’ affiliation strategies, as a way to address a ‘lack of mobilisation’ frequently deplored by many African associational leaders. Secondly, it shows how a certain African elite tries to go beyond old rivalries and previous failures, by shaping a Pan-African community, symbolically located both in the African life ‘here’ (in Belgium and by extension Europe) and ‘there’ (in Africa).

scholarly journals Online Donation for Covid-19 as Connective Action in Indonesia and Vietnam

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tonny Dian Effendi ◽  
◽  
Nong Thi Xuan
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Essential Role ◽  
The Internet ◽  
The Social ◽  
Online Donation ◽  
Connective Action ◽  
Online Donations ◽  
Internet And Social Media

This study discusses how the internet facilitated the online donation movement to help deal with the Covid-19 in Indonesia and Vietnam. The internet has critical roles in online donations by spreading information, connecting individuals, and making an online donation movement. We use the connective action concept to explain how the social movement is developed by connecting people through the loose organizational or no-organizational platform. We find that the internet and social media have an essential role in informing, connecting, and simultaneously being a means of online donation activities of individuals from various backgrounds. In this action, individuals are connected emotionally and encourage their empathy and solidarity across identities. In other words, the online connection encourages people to gather and donate as social action. However, in contrast to the connective action concept based on real (offline) action, the online donation for Covid-19 shows that individuals are connected and act online. Therefore, conceptually, the online donation case could enrich the connective action concept in the context of online connection and online action.

scholarly journals Online Donation for Covid-19 as Connective Action in Indonesia and Vietnam

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tonny Dian Effendi ◽  
Nong Thi Xuan
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Essential Role ◽  
The Internet ◽  
The Social ◽  
Online Donation ◽  
Connective Action ◽  
Online Donations ◽  
Internet And Social Media

This study discusses how the internet facilitated the online donation movement to help deal with the Covid-19 in Indonesia and Vietnam. The internet has critical roles in online donations by spreading information, connecting individuals, and making an online donation movement. We use the connective action concept to explain how the social movement is developed by connecting people through the loose organizational or no-organizational platform. We find that the internet and social media have an essential role in informing, connecting, and simultaneously being a means of online donation activities of individuals from various backgrounds. In this action, individuals are connected emotionally and encourage their empathy and solidarity across identities. In other words, the online connection encourages people to gather and donate as social action. However, in contrast to the connective action concept based on real (offline) action, the online donation for Covid-19 shows that individuals are connected and act online. Therefore, conceptually, the online donation case could enrich the connective action concept in the context of online connection and online action.

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