Cognitive Mobilization and Voter Heterogeneity

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Schultze
1979 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 479-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Inglehart ◽  
Jacques‐René Rabier

In June 1979, 110,968,000 citizens of the nine European Community countries voted to select representatives to the European Parliament - the fvst directlyelected supranational parliament in history.Representatives from nine nations sit together as members of transnational party federations that have, in varying degrees, worked out joint political programmes. As a democratically elected body, the new European Parliament possesses a political legitimacy that the former, appointed, Parliament never had. By itself, this does not automatically give it a more influential role in decision-making at the European level, but it certainly strengthens the Parliament's potential to do so.


Caderno CRH ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (87) ◽  
pp. 641
Author(s):  
Ednaldo Ribeiro ◽  
Julian Borba

<p>Combinando contestação pública com participação política, a democracia é igualmente dependente de um ambiente de tolerância política. Uma democracia de qualidade não poderia existir em um ambiente marcado por forte intolerância, no qual as pessoas não têm oportunidade de expor as suas opiniões e debater suas ideais. Essa condicionalidade impõe dificuldades para o processo de aprimoramento da democracia brasileira, especialmente considerando os conturbados últimos anos. A atual crise política, iniciada com os protestos que culminaram com o impeachment da Presidente Dilma Rousseff e ainda sem data para terminar, tem sido marcada por forte contenciosidade e manifestações de intolerância das diferentes partes envolvidas na disputa. Diante desse cenário, este artigo apresenta um quadro da tolerância política no Brasil recente.<br />Utilizando a série histórica de dados de opinião pública do Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP), analisamos a evolução de diferentes indicadores de atitudes politicamente tolerantes e, para além desses contornos gerais, exploramos possíveis condicionantes sociodemográficos, atitudinais e comportamentais. Os dados indicam que, em todos indicadores, a opinião dos brasileiros tende a ser majoritariamente tolerante para o conjunto das medidas adotadas, verificando-se, porém, um declínio em todas elas quando observada<br />a pesquisa de 2014. Quanto aos determinantes da tolerância, foram encontradas evidências de que tais atitudes estão relacionadas com maiores níveis de mobilização cognitiva dos eleitores.</p><p> </p><p>POLITICAL TOLERANCE IN RECENT BRAZIL: evolution of indicators and conditioning factors</p><p>Combining public contestation with political participation, democracy is equally dependent on an environment of political tolerance. A quality democracy could not exist in an environment marked by strong intolerance, in which people do not have the opportunity to express their opinions and debate their ideals. This conditionality imposes difficulties for the process of improving Brazilian democracy, especially considering the troubled past years. The current political crisis, which began with the protests that culminated in the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff and has not yet ended, has been marked by strong contentiousness and manifestations of intolerance by the different parties involved in the dispute. Given this scenario, this article presents a framework of political tolerance in recent Brazil. Using the Latin American Public Opinion Project’s (LAPOP) historical data series, we analyze the evolution of different indicators of politically tolerant attitudes and, beyond these general contours, explore possible socio-demographic, attitudinal and behavioral determinants. The data indicate that in all indicators, the opinion of Brazilians tends to be mostly tolerant for the set of measures adopted, however, there was a decline in all of them when observing the 2014 survey. Regarding the determinants of tolerance, we found evidence that such attitudes are related to higher levels of voter cognitive mobilization.</p><p>Key-words: Political tolerance. Brazil. Political behavior.</p><p> </p><p>TOLÉRANCE POLITIQUE AU BRÉSIL RÉCENT: évolution des indicateurs et des facteurs de conditionnement</p><p>La combinaison de protestations du public avec la participation politique, la démocratie dépend également d’un environnement de tolérance politique. La qualité de la démocratie ne pouvait pas exister dans un environnement marqué par une forte intolérance dans laquelle les gens ont pas la possibilité d’exprimer leurs points de vue et discuter de leurs idéaux. Cette conditionnalité impose des difficultés pour le processus d’amélioration de la démocratie brésilienne, surtout compte tenu des turbulences ces dernières années. La crise actuelle,<br />qui a commencé avec les protestations qui ont conduit à la destitution du président Dilma Rousseff et toujours pas de date de fin a été marquée par un fort contentieux et manifestations d’intolérance par les différentes parties impliquées dans le différend. Dans ce scénario, cet article présente un cadre de tolérance politique dans le récent Brésil. Avec l’utilisation de la série historique des données d’opinion publique du projet sur l’opinion publique latino-américain (LAPOP), nous analysons l’évolution des différents indicateurs d’attitudes de tolérance politique et en plus de ces grandes lignes, nous explorons possibles contraintes socio-démographiques, des attitudes et du comportement. Les données indiquent que, dans tous les indicateurs, l’opinion des brésiliens a tendance à être généralement tolérante pour l’ensemble des mesures adoptées, cependant, il y a eu une baisse de chacun d’entre eux lors de l’observation de l’enquête de 2014. En ce qui concerne les déterminants de la tolérance, nous avons trouvé des preuves que ces attitudes sont liées à des niveaux plus élevés de mobilisation cognitive des électeurs.</p><p>Mots-clés: Tolérance politique. Brésil. Comportement politique.</p><p> </p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 111 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
CARLO INVERNIZZI-ACCETTI ◽  
FABIO WOLKENSTEIN

The much-discussed crisis of political parties poses a challenge to democratic theorists as institutional designers: how can the capacity of parties to mediate between society and state be resuscitated? In this article, we suggest that parties need to become more internally deliberative, allowing partisans to debate policy and more general visions for the polity. We outline a prescriptive model of deliberative intraparty democracy, drawing on the empirical literature on the changing structure of civic and political engagement. We argue that deliberative reforms are the most appropriate response to the demands of an increasingly more cognitively mobilized citizenry which seeks self-expression and nonhierarchical forms of political engagement. We highlight the model's distinctive strengths and defend it against several objections.


SAGE Open ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 215824401244043 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Alaminos ◽  
Clemente Penalva

This article shows how the cognitive mobilization index, designed for use in observing potential political participation, can be used as an indicator of the political climate that a particular society is going through. Following a discussion of the theoretical elaborations (and their working definitions) of the concept of cognitive mobilization, a longitudinal study of various European countries is used to consider the question of how political crises influence cognitive mobilization indexes and what effects they have on the political socialization process among the youngest cohorts.


2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanna Kislenko

This paper uses Spain as the case study in furthering understanding of the forces that influence public opinion, specifically as they exist within the contemporary European context. To evaluate this, the focus is on two primary issues: the European Monetary Union (EMU) and the Eastern Enlargement. In order to explore the relationship between opinions towards EU membership, the Euro and support for enlargement, ordinary least squares (OLS) and logistic multivariate regression methods are used to model public opinion development. The argument put forth in this paper is that the formation of public opinion is influenced by both regional dynamics and utilitarian economic considerations. Within this framework, the concept of political symbolism is explored in uncovering the influence of cognitive mobilization, group attachment and cost-benefit factors as they relate to Spanish opinion on widening and deepening of the European Union.


2021 ◽  
pp. 88-143
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Bickerton ◽  
Carlo Invernizzi Accetti

This chapter examines the origins of the technopopulist political logic. It does so by identifying the origins and principal contours of the ideological political logic which preceded it. It then explores the relative decline of the ideological logic and the rise of technopopulism. The technopopulist logic has superimposed itself upon the ideological logic, leading to a complex interaction between the two. The theme of the chanpter is the formation and decline of organizing interests and the complex relationship between societal change and evolutions in national political party systems. The overarching narrative is of the separation of state from society (referred to process of disintermediation) and the connection of this to technopopulism. The rise of the technopopulist political logic is associated with a number of macro-historical processes, such as secularization, cognitive mobilization, and the decline of organized interests. However, the relationship between these processes and the rise of technopopulism is shaped by nationally specific experiences. The empirical focus of the chapter is on British, French, and Italian politics, but the argument refers also to broader changes that held across national political systems in Western Europe since 1945.


Author(s):  
Susanna Kislenko

 This paper uses Spain as the case study in furthering understanding of the forces that influence public opinion, specifically as they exist within the contemporary European context. To evaluate this, the focus is on two primary issues: the European Monetary Union (EMU) and the Eastern Enlargement. In order to explore the relationship between opinions towards EU membership, the Euro and support for enlargement, ordinary least squares (OLS) and logistic multivariate regression methods are used to model public opinion development. The argument put forth in this paper is that the formation of public opinion is influenced by both regional dynamics and utilitarian economic considerations. Within this framework, the concept of political symbolism is explored in uncovering the influence of cognitive mobilization, group attachment and cost-benefit factors as they relate to Spanish opinion on widening and deepening of the European Union. Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v5i1.203  


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