The Origins of Technopopulism

2021 ◽  
pp. 88-143
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Bickerton ◽  
Carlo Invernizzi Accetti

This chapter examines the origins of the technopopulist political logic. It does so by identifying the origins and principal contours of the ideological political logic which preceded it. It then explores the relative decline of the ideological logic and the rise of technopopulism. The technopopulist logic has superimposed itself upon the ideological logic, leading to a complex interaction between the two. The theme of the chanpter is the formation and decline of organizing interests and the complex relationship between societal change and evolutions in national political party systems. The overarching narrative is of the separation of state from society (referred to process of disintermediation) and the connection of this to technopopulism. The rise of the technopopulist political logic is associated with a number of macro-historical processes, such as secularization, cognitive mobilization, and the decline of organized interests. However, the relationship between these processes and the rise of technopopulism is shaped by nationally specific experiences. The empirical focus of the chapter is on British, French, and Italian politics, but the argument refers also to broader changes that held across national political systems in Western Europe since 1945.

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Mathias Daven

Democracy is often seen as a political system which is capable of lessening or preventing corruption. Countries with a democratic system are regarded as relatively free of corrupt practices. Meanwhile, authoritarian political systems are seen as riddled through with corrupt practices because they are not capable of protecting political officials from such practices. However it is apparent that corruption scandals are frequently encountered in democratic systems. Various corruption scandals that befall politicians in Western Europe, the USA and Japan indicate the reality that democratic procedures are not, on their own, capable of protecting officials from corruption. What calls for debate among academics is: Which aspect of democracy can prevent, and which aspect can permit corrupt practices? How can the relationship between corruption and democracy be explained? This essay is presented as a small contribution to this debate.


Res Publica ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-119
Author(s):  
Peter Biondi

The party executive is the most important organ within a political party especially in Belgium which is charaterised as one of the strongest particracies in Western Europe.  Focusing on the functioning of the party executive within the CVP (1959-1960) and the BSP (1956-1957) at a moment both parties govern with the Liberal Party as coalition partner, the attendances and interventions within the party executive show a group of approximately fives persons playing a predominant role in the decision making process. In both cases the party president is the most important and powerful person. The almost complete absence of government membres within the party executive of the CVP forms a remarkabledifference to the BSP. The relationship between party and government is quite different in both parties. In the BSP the cooperation and support between party and government is much better than within the CVP.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Peter Schauer ◽  
Stephen Shennan ◽  
Andrew Bevan ◽  
Sue College ◽  
Kevan Edinborough ◽  
...  

The authors of this article consider the relationship in European prehistory between the procurement of high-quality stones (for axeheads, daggers, and other tools) on the one hand, and the early mining, crafting, and deposition of copper on the other. The data consist of radiocarbon dates for the exploitation of stone quarries, flint mines, and copper mines, and of information regarding the frequency through time of jade axeheads and copper artefacts. By adopting a broad perspective, spanning much of central-western Europe from 5500 to 2000 bc, they identify a general pattern in which the circulation of the first copper artefacts was associated with a decline in specialized stone quarrying. The latter re-emerged in certain regions when copper use decreased, before declining more permanently in the Bell Beaker phase, once copper became more generally available. Regional variations reflect the degrees of connectivity among overlapping copper exchange networks. The patterns revealed are in keeping with previous understandings, refine them through quantification and demonstrate their cyclical nature, with additional reference to likely local demographic trajectories.


Popular Music ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Mitchell

In his article ‘Rock music and politics in Italy’, Umberto Fiori deploys the example of an open-air concert by Genesis in Tirrenia in the province of Pisa, promoted in the summer of 1982 by the Italian Communist Party (PCI) as part of its annual Feste dell'Unita, as a summary example of de-politicisation of the consumption and production of rock music in Italy, and the institutionalisation of the oppositional, dissenting aspects of rock music that had previously been so potent there throughout the 1970s. To Fiori, the Genesis concert representedan unmistakeable step forward in the slow process of the ‘normalisation’ of the relationship between rock and politics in Italy. Explosive material until a few years before, rock music in the 1980s seems to have returned to being a commodity like any other, even in Italy. The songs are once again simply songs, the public is the public. The musicians are only interested in their work, and the organisers make their expected profits. If they happen to be a political party, so much the better: they can also profit in terms of public image and perhaps even votes. … Italy now learnt how to institutionalise deviation and transgression. An ‘acceptable’ gap was re-established between fiction and reality, desire and action, and music and political practice. (Fiori 1984, pp. 261–2)


Author(s):  
Ginta Pērle-Sīle

The subject of this article is a court case between Aumeisteri nobleman Berhard Magnus von Wulf (1732–1784) and the minister of Palsmane and Aumeisteri parishes Friedrich Daniel Wahr (1749–1827) about the suspension of the minister from his duties from 1775 to 1779. The aim of the research is to approach the court case as evidence of the different opinions of several social groups where extreme colonial ideas in Vidzeme meet Enlightenment ideas from Western Europe. At the same time, the court case is a source of contextual information for a better understanding of the development of Wahr’s literary and folkloristic heritage. The research is based on studies of documents found in the Latvian State History Archive that are approached using the culture-historical and comparative methods, thus trying to contextualize certain events in a specific place and time. The results of the research show the Palsmane and Aumeisteri society as typical of the second part of the 18th century. The existence of specific social groups, particularism, and the implementation of colonial attitudes by the local nobility are also evident. The attitude of Wahr towards Latvian peasants shows the influence of Enlightenment, especially his efforts in education. The relationship between the parish and its minister incorporates evidence of a syncretic praxis with pagan and Christian traditions. In the light of political events of that particular time, i. e. peasant rebels in Vidzeme, the court case allows Wulf’s accusations to be treated as an opportunity to decrease the implementation of Enlightenment ideas, thus safeguarding the local nobility’s power. At the same time, the court case is a source of biographic, private, and daily life details. The broad range of the parish territory which was often challenging to navigate, the modest means of the minister, and distancing of the local nobility on the one hand, along with the influence of enlightenment ideas, on the other hand, are the most probable grounding for Wahr’s folkloristic and literary work.


2017 ◽  
Vol 155 (9) ◽  
pp. 1353-1370 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. GORASH ◽  
R. ARMONIENĖ ◽  
Ž. LIATUKAS ◽  
G. BRAZAUSKAS

SUMMARYWinter hardiness of wheat is a complex trait involving a system of structural, regulatory and developmental genes, which interact in a complex pathway. The objective of the present work was to study the relationship among the main traits determining the level of adaptation and the possibility for target manipulation of breeding material by using molecular markers and phenological parameters. Wheat cultivars from different ecoclimatic environments of Europe were included for analysis. Gene-specific assay showed that photoperiod sensitivity of the studied cultivars was determined by polymorphism in the Ppd-D1 allele. The study established the relationship among winter hardiness, LT50 (the temperature at which 50% of plants are killed), photoperiod sensitivity, vernalization duration and earliness per se genes in the environment of Lithuania. The cultivars from Northern and Western Europe exhibited stronger requirement for vernalization and photoperiod. Although the group of cultivars from the southern latitudes were characterized by earliness, they possessed a stronger level of LT50. The level of LT50 was found to be the most crucial component of winter hardiness, the other traits served as supplementary components.


2001 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Czech ◽  
Rena Borkhataria

Species conservation via the Endangered Species Act is highly politicized, yet few data have been gathered to illustrate the relationship of political party affiliation to species conservation perspectives. We conducted a nationwide public opinion survey and found that Democrats value species conservation more highly than do Republicans, and that Democrats are also more strongly supportive of the Endangered Species Act. Republicans place higher value on property rights than do Democrats, but members of both parties value economic growth as highly as wildlife conservation. The results imply that the Democratic propensity to value species conservation reflects a biocentric perspective that does not bode well for practical conservation efforts. Species conservation will depend upon the success of academicians and progressive political leaders in educating students and members of all parties about the fundamental conflict between economic growth and wildlife conservation.


Author(s):  
Edana Beauvais

Political systems are democratic to the extent that people are empowered to participate in political practices—such as voting, representing, deliberating, and resisting—that contribute to self-and collective-rule. There is a close relationship between equality and democracy, as equality distributes symmetrical empowerments that enable people affected by collective endeavors to participate in political practices that contribute to self- and collective-rule. This chapter elucidates the relationship between equality, inclusion, and deliberative practices in democratic systems. It describes two distinguishable values of equality required for distributing empowerments that enable deliberation: the value of universal moral equality, and the value of equity. The chapter then outlines different institutional arrangements that promote the values of universal moral equality and equity in deliberative practices.


Author(s):  
Ahmet Ay ◽  
Emine Fırat ◽  
Fatih Mangır

The concept of development has been evaluated by several economic scholars within different historical processes. The meaning of the concept has changed towards the direction from a single theoretical perspective into a multi-theoretical perspective. One of these perspectives is alleviation of poverty. Poverty appears when people cannot meet basic needs for their lives. Poverty level is total amount of expenditure which is necessary to meet the basic needs. Poverty level is the determinant of welfare level of a country and its regions. Poverty numbers and poverty level are criteria indicating to what extent is development achieved. Income distribution is another issue which must be handled with poverty. Fair distribution of income must be an important policy in alleviating poverty. In this context, impact of income distribution must be positive on development level. In this study, the relationship between poverty and development has been presented within the context of Turkey and its regions.


Author(s):  
Martijn Felder ◽  
Iris Wallenburg ◽  
Syb Kuijper ◽  
Roland Bal

In this commentary, we reflect on Rinaldi and Bekker’s scoping review of the literature on populist radical right (PRR) parties and welfare policies. We argue that their review provides political scientists and healthcare scholars with a firm basis to further explore the relationships between populism and welfare policies in different political systems. In line with the authors, we furthermore (re)emphasize the need for additional empirical inquiries into the relationship between populism and healthcare. But instead of expanding the research agenda suggested – for instance by adding categories or niches in which this relationship can be observed – we would like to challenge some of the premises of the studies conducted and reviewed thus far. We do so by identifying two concerns and by illustrating these concerns with two examples from the Netherlands.


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