The Negative Consequences of Teacher Incentives in the United States

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Owen Xu
2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422199283
Author(s):  
Serena Tagliacozzo ◽  
Frederike Albrecht ◽  
N. Emel Ganapati

Communicating during a crisis can be challenging for public agencies as their communication ecology becomes increasingly complex while the need for fast and reliable public communication remains high. Using the lens of communication ecology, this study examines the online communication of national public health agencies during the COVID-19 pandemic in Italy, Sweden, and the United States. Based on content analysis of Twitter data ( n = 856) and agency press releases ( n = 95), this article investigates two main questions: (1) How, and to what extent, did national public health agencies coordinate their online communication with other agencies and organizations? (2) How was online communication from the agencies diversified in terms of targeting specific organizations and social groups? Our findings indicate that public health agencies relied heavily on internal scientific expertise and predominately coordinated their communication efforts with national government agencies. Furthermore, our analysis reveals that agencies in each country differed in how they diversify information; however, all agencies provided tailored information to at least some organizations and social groups. Across the three countries, information tailored for several vulnerable groups (e.g., pregnant women, people with disabilities, immigrants, and homeless populations) was largely absent, which may contribute to negative consequences for these groups.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Madhusudan Ganigara ◽  
Chetan Sharma ◽  
Fernando Molina Berganza ◽  
Krittika Joshi ◽  
Andrew D. Blaufox ◽  
...  

Abstract The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has had a profound impact on medical educational curricula. We aimed to examine the impact of these unprecedented changes on the formal education of paediatric cardiology fellows through a nationwide survey. A REDCap™-based voluntary anonymous survey was sent to all current paediatric cardiology fellows in the United States of America in May, 2020. Of 143 respondents, 121 were categorical fellows, representing over one-fourth of all categorical paediatric cardiology fellows in the United States of America. Nearly all (140/143, 97.9%) respondents utilised online learning during the pandemic, with 134 (93.7%) reporting an increase in use compared to pre-pandemic. The percentage of respondents reporting curriculum supplementation with outside lectures increased from 11.9 to 88.8% during the pandemic. Respondents considered online learning to be “equally or more effective” than in-person lectures in convenience (133/142, 93.7%), improving fellow attendance (132/142, 93.0%), improving non-fellow attendance (126/143, 88.1%), and meeting individual learning needs (101/143, 70.6%). The pandemic positively affected the lecture curriculum of 83 respondents (58.0%), with 35 (24.5%) reporting no change and 25 (17.5%) reporting a negative effect. A positive effect was most noted by those whose programmes utilised supplemental outside lectures (62.2 versus 25.0%, p = 0.004) and those whose lecture frequency did not decrease (65.1 versus 5.9%, p < 0.001). Restrictions imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic have greatly increased utilisation of online learning platforms by medical training programmes. This survey reveals that an online lecture curriculum, despite inherent obstacles, offers advantages that may mitigate some negative consequences of the pandemic on fellowship education.


Significance The Vietnam analogy implies that President Joe Biden’s decision to leave Afghanistan will have deeply negative consequences for the United States. However, Afghanistan is not Vietnam and the Biden withdrawal needs to be considered within the wider context of his administration’s review of US commitments abroad. Impacts The White House will be pressured to clarify the future of other US military commitments, particularly in Iraq. Biden will seek to reassure allies, particularly those in NATO, that his commitment to multilateralism will not diminish. Biden may seek an opportunity for a military show of force, possibly in the Middle East, to refute accusations of weakness.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 67-79
Author(s):  
Marta Makowska

For many years, the subject of aggressive marketing campaigns conducted by pharmaceutical companies has been raised in Poland. Drug ads are everywhere, on television, the radio, magazines and on the Internet. Therefore, it is extremely important is to ensure both their legal and ethical dimension. This article will present the differences between direct-to-consumer advertising of medicines in Poland and in the US. The dissimilarities result mainly from differences in legislation. In Poland, the law is much stricter than in the US. For example, in the United States companies are allowed to advertise prescription drugs directly to patients. In the whole of the European Union, and thus in Poland, it is strictly prohibited. The article will also present other regulations existing in Poland and in the United States and it will compare them. It will offer examples of violations of the law and ethics in the advertising of medicine in both countries. Lastly, it will briefly outline the negative consequences of unacceptable pharmaceutical marketing.


1992 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 112-120
Author(s):  
A. Gurtner-Zimmermann

Abstract. Over the last decades, Canada and Switzerland, countries with "small" economies, when compared with their neighbours, have experienced increasing economic Integration with their main trading partners, the United States and the European Community (EC) respectively. Using a political-economic approach, this article analyzes the effects of growmg Integration for management of transboundary, environmental problems in North America. As well, in view of the Canadian experience, possible implications for Switzerland in its future relationship to the EC are addressed. In the past the Canadian-American debate over transboundary environmental problems has centered around questions of territory. Despite increasing economic Integration, the dominant reaction to ecological interdependence has been reliance on national policies. In accordance with the American, economic leadership in the continental System, the kind of political response to transboundary, environmental Problems is mainly dictated by the importance of the problem in the United States. The Great Lakes are an area of mutual concern and, therefore, an example for limited, environmental Cooperation and the adoption of an environmental advanced Position. In the U. S., the political response to acid rain was reactive and delayed, since only certain regions were concerned. Despite Canadian domestic and international efforts during the 1980s, until recently no significant progress has been made in developing effective measures to abate air emissions. The conclusion of the Canada-U. S. Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in 1988 did not change the very nature of the mutual environmental relationship. However, in the corollary to the FTA serious threats to the environment can be identified. Liberalized trade and restrained State Intervention foster the accelerated exploitation of Canada's natural resources and further the harmonization of environmental Standards between the two countries. In view ofthe Canadian experience, the article concludes that for Switzerland an economic agreement with the EC without parallel environmental commitments could have significant, negative consequences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Shah Azami

As part of its “War on Terror”, the United States (US) provided immense sums of money and advanced equipment to Afghan warlords in order to defeat and dismantle the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Nearly two decades after the 2001 US-led intervention in Afghanistan that toppled the Taliban regime, the US continues supporting the warlords in various ways. As the intervention was also aimed at establishing a functioning state and reconstruction of the war-torn country, the US needed the support of local warlords to achieve its goals. However, over time, warlords and warlordism became a major challenge to the postTaliban state-building project and in many ways undermined the overall security and the state monopoly on violence. These warlords, who had been mostly expelled and defeated by the Taliban regime, returned under the aegis of the B52 bombers, recaptured parts of the country and reestablished their fiefdoms with US support and resources. They not only resist giving up the power and prestige they have accumulated over the past few years, but also hamper the effort to improve governance and enact necessary reforms in the country. In addition, many of them run their private militias and have been accused of serious human rights abuses as well as drug trafficking, arms smuggling, illegal mining and extortion in the areas under their control or influence. In many ways, they challenge the government authority and have become a major hurdle to the country’s emerging from lawlessness and anarchy. This paper explores the emergence and reemergence of warlords in Afghanistan as well as the evolution of chaos and anarchy in the country, especially after the US-led intervention of late 2001. It also analyzes the impact of the post-9/11 US support to Afghan warlords and its negative consequences for the overall stability and the US-led state-building process in Afghanistan.


Author(s):  
N. Bubnova

Upon becoming president of the United States, Barack Obama formulated the policy of reset in the U.S.-Russia relations – as part of his grand project of improving international relations on a more equitable basis, with a bigger role for diplomacy and international alliances and less reliance on unilateral actions and the use of force. As part of resetting their relationship in the military-political field, the United States and Russia were able, in the first and part of the second tenure of Obama’s presidency, to claim some major achievements in the military-political field, such as signing the New START Treaty, working on further nuclear disarmament measures, and developing bilateral anti-terrorist activities. U.S.-Russia cooperation also resulted in Russia’s agreement to open up its air space and railways for NATO transports which helped the International Coalition to conduct operation in Afghanistan in its “surge” phase and then to successfully withdraw combat units from that country. U.S.-Russia relations were also instrumental in bridging the positions of the two countries with regard to Iran’s and North Korea’s nuclear problem, with Russia and China voting alongside with the United States on UN Security Council resolutions for sanctions against North Korea and Iran to make them comply with the nuclear safeguards. Yet in various regions of the world, Obama’s policy – initially announced as an innovative breakthrough strategy proved instead to be reactive, aimed not at future perspective, but at dealing with the emerging crises on a case by case basis: in Lybia, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and then finally in Ukraine. The “pivot” to the Asia-Pacific, also announced by Obama’s administration, was formulated without consideration of Russia’s interests in the region, while at the same time causing turbulence in relations with China, and was finally overshadowed by the Ukrainian crisis and then the ISIS offensive in the Middle East. The reset fell prey to the contradictions in U.S.-Russia relations which particularly exacerbated after the events in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine and led to freezing of arms control negotiations and bilateral U.S.-Russia cooperation in the military-political field. The Ukrainian crisis is likely to have long-term negative consequences, and in particular will increase hawkish tendencies in U.S. politics. Yet this does not preclude and to the contrary increases the importance of seeking ways to strengthen stability, searching for possible measures for nuclear weapons limitations which would become applicable after bilateral relations improve. U.S.-Russia cooperation remains essential for resolving key international challenges as well as major regional problems.


This chapter highlights the importance of risk management and the need for a risk management plan to have in place in case disaster strikes. From opening a foodservice business to operating it with the possibility of expansion, the risks involved are enormous. It discusses the importance of respecting the laws when dealing with business and carefully taking all necessary steps to avoid legal pitfalls, leading to severe negative consequences. The chapter provides useful information and references about obtaining proper licenses, dealing with government agencies, and developing and implementing a “preventive risk management” plan. Finally, the chapter highlights the current business laws of the United States and should not be considered applicable internationally. The reader should refer to the governing laws of the country where the business operates.


Author(s):  
Adam Goodman

This chapter explains how the United States' ongoing demand for cheap migrant labor normalized the deportation machine at the border and in the interior. It talks about the Immigration and Naturalization Service's increasing dependence on voluntary departures and immigration raids between 1965 and 1985 that made the possibility of deportation an everyday reality for undocumented immigrants. It also describes the pattern of circular, undocumented Mexican migration that emerged as a relatively open and benign labor process with few negative consequences. The chapter reveals how bureaucratic practices, changes in law, and combination of political, economic, social, and cultural factors demonized ethnic Mexicans and solidified the stereotype of them as prototypical “illegal aliens”. It also highlights the changes in the policy and political economies of the United States and Mexico from 1965 to 1985 that resulted in significant transformations to the deportation machine.


2020 ◽  
pp. 074355842093322
Author(s):  
Ilyssa Salomon ◽  
Christia Spears Brown

Sexual harassment is a common experience among middle and high school students across the United States. Being the target of and even witnessing sexual harassment is associated with a number of negative consequences for adolescents. This study sought to explore early adolescent boys’ and girls’ reasoning about (a) perpetrating sexual harassment (i.e., making comments about another student’s body), (b) confronting sexual harassment when they are the target, and (c) confronting sexual harassment when they are the bystander or witness. Participants were 142 seventh-grade students (46 boys, 96 girls) ranging from 11 to 14 years old ( Mage = 12.44 years, SDage = .61). Utilizing a quantitative content analysis, this study analyzed themes that emerged from adolescents’ open-ended responses to questions about sexual harassment and their perception of the consequences. The results suggest that adolescents’ reasoning about sexual harassment is complex, reflecting morality concerns, social pressures, and challenges with interpreting sexual interest within a context of sexually objectifying cultural scripts.


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