scholarly journals Symbolic Actions and Anti-royal Propaganda during a Political Crisis

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-192
Author(s):  
Dragoş Gh. Năstăsoiu ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Visual Representations ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Symbolic Gesture ◽  
The Ideal

On Christmas Eve 1402, Hungarian noblemen gathered in the Cathedral of Nagyvárad, where St. Ladislas’ tomb was located, and swore an oath on the holy king’s relics. They proclaimed thus their allegiance to King Ladislas of Naples and conspired against the ruling King Sigis mund of Luxemburg. By swearing an oath on St. Ladislas’ relics, the conspirators united their minds and forces around the ideal figure of the holy king and knight who became the symbol of a political cause and the embodiment of the kingdom which King Sigismund was no longer suited to represent. The symbolic gesture of oath-swearing on St. Ladislas’ relics took place in the midst of a three-year political crisis (1401–1403) that seized the Kingdom of Hungary as a consequence of the barons’ dissatisfaction with King Sigismund’s measures, which jeopardized their wealth and political influence. By relying on both written accounts and visual sources, the present paper examines the utilizing by Hungarian noblemen during this political crisis of important political and spiritual symbols associated with the Kingdom of Hungary. These included: the cults, relics, and visual representations of St. Ladislas, the Hungarian Holy Crown, or the kingdom’s heraldry. The propagandistic usage of these spiritual and political symbols was reinforced by their insertion into elaborated rituals and symbolic actions, such as coronations or oath-swearing on relics. By activating the link between secular and religious spheres through these rituals and symbolic actions, their performers hoped to attract the divine approval. By discussing such instances, the present paper seeks to illustrate how the ideal figure of St. Ladislas became the catalyzing force behind a political cause.

From Public Reason to the Democratic Decision-Making Process

2018 ◽  
pp. 24-62
Author(s):  
Benjamin R. Hertzberg
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Public Reason ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Public Justification ◽  
Religious Politics ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
Political Approach ◽  
The Ideal

This chapter criticizes the ideal of public reason, showing that even when it is specified in several plausible ways, it does not provide citizens with sufficient guidance in evaluating religious politics. Instead, the ideal must be placed within a larger, way-of-life conception of democracy that considers religion’s roles in citizens’ civic lives. The chapter develops a minimal conception of public reason and analyses two criticisms of it: that public reason is a culturally protestant political approach that ignores crucial aspects of religion and that public reason violates religious citizens’ integrity. It then assesses two predominant responses to the second criticism: restricting the domain of public reason norms and adopting the convergence conception of public justification. Both responses demonstrate public reason’s inability to offer citizens sufficient guidance in evaluating religion’s political influence.

Debating Education

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry Brighouse ◽  
David Schmidtz
Keyword(s):  
Policy Reform ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Educational Opportunities ◽  
The Other ◽  
Moral Imperative ◽  
Market Mechanisms ◽  
Unequal Distribution ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Market Driven ◽  
The Ideal

Debating Education puts two leading scholars in conversation with each other on the subject of education—specifically, what role, if any, markets should play in policy reform. Each advances nuanced arguments and responds to the other, presenting contrasting views on education as a public good. One author argues on behalf of a market-driven approach, making the case that educational opportunities do not need to be equal in order to be good. The ideal of education is not equally preparing students to win a race but maximally preparing each student to make a contribution. The other focuses on inequality, particularly the unequal distribution of rewards. The argument is that justice requires prioritizing the prospects of the bottom 30 percent of the population, whose life prospects are much worse than justice would demand, given the current wealth of society. The moral imperative of education should be to improve this group’s range of opportunities. This part of the book expresses serious skepticism that market mechanisms are capable of this task, due to imperfections in educational markets, a lack of appropriate regulations, political influence, and other systemic obstacles.

Kurdistan on the Sèvres Centenary: How a Distinct People Became the World’s Largest Stateless Nation

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Loqman Radpey
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Ideal ◽  
Legal Right

Abstract In August 1920, the political fate of the Kurdish nation, along with its territory, Kurdistan, were on the line, after the Allies asserted their interest in national rights to self-determination following World War I. Under the Treaty of Sèvres, Kurds were acknowledged as an ethno-political entity in the Wilsonian perspective, yet the ideal of self-determination failed to crystallize as a full legal right to independent nationhood. Thus, Kurdish statehood was annulled. In contrast, the drawing of states’ boundaries in Europe took place mostly along national lines. The result has been an untenable diversity across regions affected by the War in the varieties of self-determination, arguing that some peoples’ nationhood was credited with less legitimacy than others. The departure of imperial powers and subsequently the League of Nations from self-determination for achieving territorial independence came as a result of imperialist world policies to reorder political influence. With the adoption of self-determination as one of the purposes of the UN in 1945, and with the crystallization of self-determination as a legal right in 1966 and the subsequent campaign of decolonization, it could be argued the Kurds’ status was not repositioned and in some way is invisible to the law of self-determination, as applied.

scholarly journals The Consequences of the Political Crisis of July 1918 for the Upper Volga Organizations of the Party of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 170
Author(s):  
Nikolay V. Tikhomirov
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
Total Loss ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Upper Volga ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Organizational Work

The article considers the peculiarities of the position of the Upper Volga organizations of the Party of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries caused by the crisis of July 1918 which marked the beginning of the total loss of the Party’s political influence in the country in whole. The author shows the difficulties and methods of ideological and political struggle between the local Left Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Bolsheviks during the period from July to December 1918, traces the process of ousting the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries from the local Soviets, considers the features of the local Left Socialist-Revolutionaries’ organizational work in the new political reality.

scholarly journals A influência política nas decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal / Political Influence in the Decisions of the Federal Supreme Court

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 293-319
Author(s):  
Juvêncio Borges Silva ◽  
Fernanda Morato da Silva Pereira
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Niklas Luhmann ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
The Law ◽  
Federal Supreme

A presente pesquisa analisa a influência política nas decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal, particularmente o cumprimento da Constituição Federal e seus ideais principiológicos pela Corte Suprema e sua atuação contramajoritária e representativa. Nesse sentido, questiona a interpretação aberta da Constituição no que se refere “poder” ou “dever” conferido ao órgão. Pretende-se elucidar a separação dos poderes e a crise política instalada no país, de maneira a suscitar a judicilialização e o ativismo judicial, este último como instrumento do judiciário para legislar em favor/contra determinada questão política. Orienta-se pelo método hipotético-dedutivo, lastreado em livros, artigos científicos e publicações em sites institucionais, referenciada pela teoria sistêmica de Niklas Luhmann. Ao cabo, conclui-se que a separação dos poderes, a observância dos códigos que orientam o direito e a política e o equilíbrio de atuação de cada um são indispensáveis para manutenção da República. O modelo ideal não estará em nenhum dos dois extremos, nenhuma ou total influência política. O direito deve ser autônomo à política, pois essa autonomia é essencial para a subsistência do conceito de Estado de direito e para a confiança da sociedade nas instituições judiciais.   Abstract: This research analyzes the political influence in the decisions of the Federal Supreme Court, particularly, the fulfillment of the Federal Constitution and its ideological ideologies by the Supreme Court and its counter majoritarian and representative action. In this sense, it questions the open interpretation of the Constitution regarding "power" or "duty" conferred on the body. It seeks to elucidate the separation of powers and the political crisis installed in the country, in order to raise judicialization and judicial activism, the latter as an instrument of the judiciary to legislate for / against a particular political issue. It uses the hypothetical-deductive method, backed by books, scientific articles and publications on institutional sites, referenced by the systemic theory of Niklas Luhmann. The study led to the conclusion that the separation of powers, the observance of the codes that guide the law and the policy and the balance of action of each one are indispensable for the maintenance of the Republic. The ideal model will not be at either extreme, no or total political influence. The law must be autonomous to politics, since this autonomy is essential for the survival of the concept of the rule of law and for the trust of society in judicial institutions.

scholarly journals Współpraca ukraińskich, słoweńskich i chorwackich konserwatystów w wiedeńskiej Radzie Państwa we „Wspomnieniach z mojego życia” Ołeksandra Barwińskiego (1897–1904)

2020 ◽  
Vol 147 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-298
Author(s):  
Roman Lechniuk
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Considerable Potential ◽  
History Of ◽  
Constructive Action

Cooperation of the Ukrainian, Slovenian and Croatian conservatives in the Imperial Council in Oleksandr Barvinsky’s “Memories of my life” (1897–1904) The article analyzes the history of cooperation between the Ukrainian group of the Viennese Imperial Council members and Slovenian and Croatian conservative politicians within the Slavic Christian People’s Union and “Slavic Center” factions on the basis of a memoir of Oleksandr Barvinsky, one of the leading Ukrainian politicians at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The author studies the reasons that inspired Barvinsky to such a cooperation, and to what extent it was part of the ideological principles of himself and of the Ukrainian Christian-social movement, which he created and headed in Galicia. The main stages of the activity of both factions are examined as well as factors that influenced their effectiveness. Despite their considerable potential and local successes, the parliamentary clubs created by the conservative Ukrainians, Slovenes and Croatians could not fully realize their agenda. The main reasons, widely considered in the memoir, were a deep political crisis in Cisleithania and, as a consequence, the parliament’s inability to take constructive action, as well as the decline of political influence and popularity of Ukrainian conservatives and Oleksandr Barvinsky himself.

Andrew Johnson and the Legacy of the Civil War

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth R. Varon
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The United States ◽  
Abraham Lincoln ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
History Of ◽  
American Leader ◽  
The Ideal

Perhaps no other American leader has experienced so precipitous a fall from grace as Andrew Johnson, seventeenth president of the United States (1865–1869). During the Civil War, Johnson was the preeminent symbol of Southern Unionism—and thus, the ideal running mate for Abraham Lincoln in the 1864 election, on the Union Party ticket. Four years later, as president, he was widely viewed as a traitor to his political allies and even to the Union, and barely escaped impeachment. In modern scholarship, the image persists of Johnson as politically inept, and willfully self-destructive—driven by visceral emotions, particularly by implacable racism, and lacking in Lincoln’s skill for reading and molding public opinion. But such an image fails to capture fully the scope of his political influence. As President, Johnson staked claims that shaped the course of Reconstruction—that emancipation signified nothing but freedom; that the immediate aftermath of the Civil War was a golden moment of reconciliation, which Radicals squandered by pushing for black suffrage; that the Congressional program of Reconstruction inaugurated a period of so-called “black rule,” during which former Confederates were victimized and disfranchised. Such propaganda was designed to deem the Republican experiment in black citizenship a failure before it even began. Johnson’s term offers an example as striking as any in U.S. history of the power of presidents to set the terms of political debates—and of the power of their words to do lasting harm.

Evil Deeds in High Places

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
David E. Settje
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Long Term Effects ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Protestant Christianity ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
The Many

Christians today participate as a significant force in politics, asserting their historic role as arbiters of morality and ethics in the process despite being of very different minds about what that means. Evil Deeds in High Places examines Christian responses to the Watergate affair that brought about the debate over impeachment and resignation of Richard M. Nixon. It demonstrates how Christians contributed to the debate over this moral and ethical crisis, and reveals how the Watergate moment became a turning point in twentieth-century American history for Christian engagement with politics. This study uncovers Protestant reactions to Watergate and traces the long-term effects of Protestants’ efforts on the American political landscape. The sampling of periodicals, denominations, and individuals herein presents much diversity in terms of theological and political outlooks, to further highlight the many points of view that a “Christian lens” contributes. Within Protestant Christianity there were significant variations in responses to the proceedings, offering an important step in surfacing the opinions of everyday Americans to Watergate. Moreover, the engagement of Protestants with the political crisis had particularly important ramifications for American politics, which persist to this day. Protestants engaged Watergate in order to solve the moral catastrophe and, as a result, intensified their political activities. In inching into this realm, they became accustomed to having political influence.

scholarly journals International Crises and China's Rise: Comparing the 2008 Global Financial Crisis and the 2017 Global Political Crisis

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-401 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brantly Womack
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Global Financial Crisis ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The World ◽  
The Global Financial Crisis ◽  
Relative Change

Abstract The profound political uncertainties in international politics created by developments in the United States, Europe, the Middle East, and North Korea (DPRK) are similar in some respects to the economic uncertainties created by the global financial crisis of 2008. In both crises there is a sudden and general awareness of vulnerability, and it is unclear how long the current uncertainty will last. With the election of Donald Trump, the United States is again at the centre of a global crisis. China is again the least vulnerable of the major states. Everyone including China is disadvantaged by the current political crisis. However, in relative terms China stands to gain, as it did in 2008. The relative change in international relationships will be most obvious in Asia. The focus here is on the cycle of uncertainty that characterizes both crises. However, the effects of the current political crisis are likely to contrast with the effects of the earlier economic crisis. From 2008 to 2014, other countries were worried about their own economies and about the world economy in general, and also about what China’s arrival as a regional and global economic power might mean for them. Meanwhile, American leadership under Obama seemed less assertive, while China appeared to be more assertive. By contrast, in 2015, China’s economy had already entered a ‘new normal’ of slower economic growth, while its consolidated political leadership supports multilateral globalization. American political leadership is unpredictable in both general strategic terms and in terms of crisis management. Just as the world needed the economic lift provided by China in 2008, it now needs the political reassurance of stability that China appears to provide. However, the United States may find it difficult to adjust to the shift in political influence.

scholarly journals Royal Saints, Artistic Patronage, and Self-representation among Hungarian Noblemen

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 810-827
Author(s):  
Dragoş Gh. Năstăsoiu ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
Wall Paintings ◽  
Stained Glass ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Commissioned Works ◽  
Artistic Patronage ◽  
Patron Saints ◽  
Double Cross ◽  
The Ideal

During the 1401–1403 political crisis in the Kingdom of Hungary, the magnates who were hostile to the ruling King Sigismund of Luxemburg and supported instead the Angevin King Ladislas of Naples deployed a wide range of propaganda tools for proving the legitimacy of their political cause. In a previous study published in this journal (Vestnik of SPbSU. History, 2021, vol. 66, issue 1, рp. 179–192), I have focused on the Hungarian noblemen’s anti-royal propaganda through the utilizing of political and spiritual symbols (i. e., the Holy Crown of Hungary and the cult, relics, and visual representations of St. Ladislas), symbolic actions (coronations and oath-swearing on holy relics), and heraldic self-representation (the Árpádian double cross). The present study approaches the same topic of anti-royal propaganda in the troubled political context of the early 15th century, but from the perspective of the elites’ self-representation strategies via the cult of Hungarian royal saints, artistic patronage, and heraldic self-representation. The two leaders of the anti-royal movement, Archbishop of Esztergom John Kanizsai and Palatine of Hungary Detre Bebek, repeatedly commissioned works of art (i.e., seals, stained-glass windows, and wall paintings) which featured prominently the images of the three Holy Kings of Hungary (Sts Stephen, Emeric, and Ladislas) or displayed the realm’s coat of arms (the Árpádian two-barred cross). The reliance of John Kanizsai and Detre Bebek on the cults and images of the patron saints of the country blended harmoniously the commissioners’ personal piety with their political ambitions. In the context of the early-15th century political crisis, the appropriation of the ideal figures of the sancti reges Hungariae became the driving force behind the Hungarian noblemen’s political cause.

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