scholarly journals A influência política nas decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal / Political Influence in the Decisions of the Federal Supreme Court

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 293-319
Author(s):  
Juvêncio Borges Silva ◽  
Fernanda Morato da Silva Pereira
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Niklas Luhmann ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
The Law ◽  
Federal Supreme

A presente pesquisa analisa a influência política nas decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal, particularmente o cumprimento da Constituição Federal e seus ideais principiológicos pela Corte Suprema e sua atuação contramajoritária e representativa. Nesse sentido, questiona a interpretação aberta da Constituição no que se refere “poder” ou “dever” conferido ao órgão. Pretende-se elucidar a separação dos poderes e a crise política instalada no país, de maneira a suscitar a judicilialização e o ativismo judicial, este último como instrumento do judiciário para legislar em favor/contra determinada questão política. Orienta-se pelo método hipotético-dedutivo, lastreado em livros, artigos científicos e publicações em sites institucionais, referenciada pela teoria sistêmica de Niklas Luhmann. Ao cabo, conclui-se que a separação dos poderes, a observância dos códigos que orientam o direito e a política e o equilíbrio de atuação de cada um são indispensáveis para manutenção da República. O modelo ideal não estará em nenhum dos dois extremos, nenhuma ou total influência política. O direito deve ser autônomo à política, pois essa autonomia é essencial para a subsistência do conceito de Estado de direito e para a confiança da sociedade nas instituições judiciais.   Abstract: This research analyzes the political influence in the decisions of the Federal Supreme Court, particularly, the fulfillment of the Federal Constitution and its ideological ideologies by the Supreme Court and its counter majoritarian and representative action. In this sense, it questions the open interpretation of the Constitution regarding "power" or "duty" conferred on the body. It seeks to elucidate the separation of powers and the political crisis installed in the country, in order to raise judicialization and judicial activism, the latter as an instrument of the judiciary to legislate for / against a particular political issue. It uses the hypothetical-deductive method, backed by books, scientific articles and publications on institutional sites, referenced by the systemic theory of Niklas Luhmann. The study led to the conclusion that the separation of powers, the observance of the codes that guide the law and the policy and the balance of action of each one are indispensable for the maintenance of the Republic. The ideal model will not be at either extreme, no or total political influence. The law must be autonomous to politics, since this autonomy is essential for the survival of the concept of the rule of law and for the trust of society in judicial institutions.

scholarly journals Inércia Legislativa e Ativismo Judicial: A Dinâmica da Separação dos Poderes na Ordem Constitucional Brasileira / Legislative Inaction and Judicial Activism: the Dynamics of Separation of Powers in the Brazilian Constitutional Order

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glauco Salomão Leite
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Political System ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Judicial Activism ◽  
Dimensional Approach ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Federal Supreme ◽  
Do So

Resumo:O trabalho analisa o movimento rumo ao ativismo judicial por parte do Supremo Tribunal Federal no julgamento dos mandados de injunção. A partir de uma abordagem neutra, institucional e multidimensional do ativismo judicial, investiga qual tem sido a postura do Tribunal na fiscalização das omissões inconstitucionais. Para tanto, avalia seus precedentes judiciais, identificando que o STF tem realizado uma nova configuração na relação institucional com o Poder Legislativo. Conclui ressaltando que a Corte se reconhece como órgão legítimo para avançar sobre o sistema político quando este negligencia seu dever de legislar.Palavras-chave: Ativismo judicial; Omissões normativas; Separação dos poderes.Abstract:The paper analyzes the movement toward judicial activism by the Federal Supreme Court in the trial of mandatory of injunction. From a neutral, institutional and multi-dimensional approach to judicial activism, investigates what has been the attitude of the Court in the surveillance of unconstitutional omissions. In order to do so, evaluates its judicial precedents, certifying that the Supreme Court has made a new setting in the institutional relationship with the Legislature power. Concludes pointing that the Court has recognized itself as legitimate branch to move forward on the political system when it neglects its duty to legislate.Keywords: Judicial activism; Legislative omissions; Separation of powers.

The New Terrain of International Law

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Courts ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
Delegation Of Authority ◽  
The World ◽  
The Law

In 1989, when the Cold War ended, there were six permanent international courts. Today there are more than two dozen that have collectively issued over thirty-seven thousand binding legal rulings. This book charts the developments and trends in the creation and role of international courts, and explains how the delegation of authority to international judicial institutions influences global and domestic politics. The book presents an in-depth look at the scope and powers of international courts operating around the world. Focusing on dispute resolution, enforcement, administrative review, and constitutional review, the book argues that international courts alter politics by providing legal, symbolic, and leverage resources that shift the political balance in favor of domestic and international actors who prefer policies more consistent with international law objectives. International courts name violations of the law and perhaps specify remedies. The book explains how this limited power—the power to speak the law—translates into political influence, and it considers eighteen case studies, showing how international courts change state behavior. The case studies, spanning issue areas and regions of the world, collectively elucidate the political factors that often intervene to limit whether or not international courts are invoked and whether international judges dare to demand significant changes in state practices.

Separation of Powers and the Strategic Constraint

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael A. Bailey ◽  
Forrest Maltzman
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Law

Justices have considerable latitude to pursue either their personal preferences or their personal visions of the law. The danger is that the Court gets so far out of line from the rest of the political system that we see fundamental institutional showdowns that threaten the independence of the judiciary, such as the Court-packing controversy in the 1930s. If the elected branches influence justices, however, they can keep the Court in check, thereby attenuating such risks. This chapter tests whether the Court systematically yields to the elected branches. In particular, it examines whether individual justices vote differently when the constraints imposed by the executive and legislative branches are likely to be at their strongest. It focuses on the two versions in the literature: one in which the Court is constrained only on statutory cases and the other in which the constraint extends to all cases, including constitutional cases.

scholarly journals The Supreme Federal Court as Queen of Chess: Partisan Fragmentation and Judicial Empowerment in Brazil

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (73) ◽  
Author(s):  
Leon Victor de Queiroz Barbosa ◽  
Ernani Carvalho
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Federal Court ◽  
The Political ◽  
Independent Variables ◽  
Multinomial Models ◽  
Institutional Power ◽  
Synthetic Indicator ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Party Composition ◽  
Federal Supreme

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article deals with the Supreme Federal Court’s empowerment trajectory, exploring exogenous variables in order to explain what made the Supreme Court so institutionally powerful, and how it happened. After the classic studies on the global expansion of the judicial power, that pointed to a myriad of causes as a result of the phenomenon, several recent researches have indicated the political-party fragmentation as the main cause of judicial empowerment. Seeking to corroborate these analyses, the present work analyzes the institutional empowerment of the Brazilian Judiciary from 1945 to 2015, testing the hypothesis the greater the party fragmentation, more institutional power the STF holds. Materials and Methods: As a dependent variable, a synthetic indicator was created to measure the institutional power of the Federal Supreme Court year by year. The independent variables measure the party composition of the Chamber of Deputies annually for the same period. In addition to these variables, other measures were imported from the V-Dem database. For this analysis, simple linear, generalized linear and multinomial models were used. Results: We identified significant impact of party fragmentation on institutional empowerment of the Supreme Court. In all tests, party fragmentation increased the chances of institutional empowerment of the Brazilian judiciary. Discussion: The exogenous reforms that generated this empowerment took place with the support of the Executive and the leniency of the Legislative, transforming the Brazilian Supreme Court into the Queen of the Chess.

Kurdistan on the Sèvres Centenary: How a Distinct People Became the World’s Largest Stateless Nation

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Loqman Radpey
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Ideal ◽  
Legal Right

Abstract In August 1920, the political fate of the Kurdish nation, along with its territory, Kurdistan, were on the line, after the Allies asserted their interest in national rights to self-determination following World War I. Under the Treaty of Sèvres, Kurds were acknowledged as an ethno-political entity in the Wilsonian perspective, yet the ideal of self-determination failed to crystallize as a full legal right to independent nationhood. Thus, Kurdish statehood was annulled. In contrast, the drawing of states’ boundaries in Europe took place mostly along national lines. The result has been an untenable diversity across regions affected by the War in the varieties of self-determination, arguing that some peoples’ nationhood was credited with less legitimacy than others. The departure of imperial powers and subsequently the League of Nations from self-determination for achieving territorial independence came as a result of imperialist world policies to reorder political influence. With the adoption of self-determination as one of the purposes of the UN in 1945, and with the crystallization of self-determination as a legal right in 1966 and the subsequent campaign of decolonization, it could be argued the Kurds’ status was not repositioned and in some way is invisible to the law of self-determination, as applied.

Japan

2021 ◽  
pp. 115-132
Author(s):  
Steven Gow Calabresi
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Rubber Stamp ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Government

This chapter looks at the Japanese experience with judicial review. The Supreme Court of Japan does not enforce those parts of the Japanese Constitution, like Article 9, which prohibits war making; Article 21, which protects freedom of speech; or Article 89, which forbids taxpayer money from being used to hire Shinto priests. The Supreme Court of Japan thus refuses to enforce important articles in the Constitution of Japan. It does rubber stamp and thus legitimize actions taken by the political branches of the government. Why has judicial review of the constitutionality of legislation failed to take root in Japan? Japan does not need either a federal or a separation of powers umpire, since Japan is, firstly, a unitary nation-state with no need for a federalism umpire; and, secondly, a parliamentary democracy with a weak upper house of the legislature. Moreover, Japan has never atoned for the wrongs it committed during World War II nor has it truly admitted to even having done the horrible things that Japan did. A nation cannot get rights from wrongs judicial review and a Bill of Rights unless it admits it has done something wrong. Finally, the Japanese Constitution contains an inadequate system of checks and balances. As a result, the Supreme Court of Japan may not have the political space within which it can assert power.

”VIGIAR A ORDEM PÚBLICA EM CONFORMIDADE DAS LEIS”: trabalhos do Conselho de Presidência do Maranhão nos primeiros anos do Brasil Império (1825-1829)

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (27) ◽  
pp. 116-140
Author(s):  
RAISSA GABRIELLE VIEIRA CIRINO
Keyword(s):  
Early Years ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Order ◽  
The Law ◽  
Administrative Units ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
Newspaper Articles

A crise polá­tica que despontou no Reino do Brasil a partir da década de 1820 possibilitou o desenvolvimento da esfera de poder regional pela reformulação das escalas de poder e pela criação de novas instituições dentro das prová­ncias, doravante as principais unidades administrativas que compunham o extenso território imperial. No Maranhão, as determinações da Carta de 20 de outubro de 1823, primeiro edito a versar sobre tal reestruturação, foram cumpridas através da finalização das primeiras eleições, em 1825, resultando na escolha de seis conselheiros para o Conselho de Presidência, que auxiliaria o presidente de prová­ncia, nomeado pelo Poder central, em questões de ”exame e juá­zo administrativo”. Destarte, pautando-nos nas atas de reuniões dessa instituição, nos ofá­cios trocados com as principais instá¢ncias imperiais e em artigos de jornais do perá­odo analisaremos como as decisões protagonizadas pelo Conselho de Presidência do Maranhão repercutiram no diná¢mico processo de gestação do Estado imperial brasileiro.Palavras-chave: Brasil Império. Prová­ncia do Maranhão. Conselho de Presidência. Esfera de poder regional.  ”OBSERVE PUBLIC ORDER ACCORDING TO THE LAW”:  works of Maranhão Presidency”™s Council in the early years of the Brazilian Empire (1825-1829)Abstract: The political crisis that emerged in Brazil from the 1820s onwards allowed the development of the regional sphere of power by reformulating the scales of power and by creating new institutions within the provinces, henceforth the main administrative units that comprised the extensive imperial territory. In Maranhão, the determinations of the edict dated of October 20th, 1823, first published on such restructuring, were fulfilled by the end of the first elections in 1825, resulting in the election of six counselors to the Presidency”™s Council (Conselho de Presidência), that would assist the presidents of the provinces, appointed by the Central Power, in matters of "administrative examination and judgment". Thus, based on the meeting minutes of this institution, in the documents exchanged with the main imperial instances and in newspaper articles from the period, we will analyze how the decisions made by the Presidency”™s Council of Maranhão reverberated in the dynamic gestational process of the Brazilian Empire.Keywords: Brazilian Empire. Province of Maranhão. Presidency”™s Council. Regional sphere of power.  ”VIGILAR EL ORDEN PÚBLICO EN CONFORMIDAD DE LAS LEYES”:  trabajos del Consejo de Presidencia de Maranhão en los primeros años del Brasil Imperio (1825-1829)Resumen: La crisis polá­tica que surgió en el Reino de Brasil a partir de la década de 1820 posibilitó el desarrollo de la esfera de poder regional por la reformulación de las escalas de poder y por la creación de nuevas instituciones dentro de las provincias, en adelante las principales unidades administrativas que componá­an el extenso territorio imperial. En Maranhão, las determinaciones de la Carta de 20 de octubre de 1823, primer edito a versar sobre la dicha reestructuración, se cumplieron a través de la finalización de las primeras elecciones, en 1825, resultando en la elección de seis consejeros para el Consejo de Presidencia, que auxiliará­a al presidente de provincia, nombrado por el Poder central, en cuestiones de "examen y juicio administrativo". De este modo, pautándonos en las actas de reuniones de esa institución, en los oficios intercambiados con las principales instancias imperiales y en artá­culos de periódicos del perá­odo analizaremos cómo las decisiones protagonizadas por el Consejo de Presidencia de Maranhão repercutieron en el dinámico proceso de gestación del Estado imperial brasileño.Palabras clave: Brasil Imperio. Provincia de Maranhão. Consejo de Presidencia. Esfera de poder regional.

Redemption of Security Interests under Israel Law

1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Weisman
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
The Body ◽  
Supreme Court Justice ◽  
Secured Transactions ◽  
English Law ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Way

The English “Equity of Redemption” was applied by the courts in Israel long before the enactment of the Security Interests Law, 1967. The courts did not hesitate to transplant this doctrine of English law into the body of Ottoman law which was then applicable in Israel in the field of secured transactions. Yet, the extent to which this symbiosis succeeded had still to be examined, and many questions relating to the right of redemption were still unanswered when the decision was taken to prepare the new Security Interests Law. In the new Law the right of redemption was expressly recognized. The influence of English law on this subject was so marked that on one occasion a Supreme Court Justice characterized the right of redemption provided by sec. 13(a) of the Law, as “actually only legislating the equity of redemption of English law”. It is the purpose of this article to examine the way in which Israel law formulated its “equity of redemption”, to analyze it, to point out its main features and expose its shortcomings.

scholarly journals INDEPENDENSI SISTEM PERADILAN MILITER DI INDONESIA (Studi Tentang Struktur Peradilan Militer) / THE INDEPENDENCY OF MILITARY JUSTICE SYSTEM IN THE INDONESIAN (The Study of The Structure of The Judiciary)

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Slamet Sarwo Edy
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Justice System ◽  
The Body ◽  
Judicial Power ◽  
District Court ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Military Justice ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Military

Peradilan militer adalah badan yang melaksanakan kekuasaan kehakiman di lingkungan TNI untuk menegakan hukum dan keadilan. Pengadilan militer tidak berpuncak dan tidak diawasi oleh markas besar TNI, tetapi berpuncak dan diawasi oleh MA RI. Filosofi terjadinya ketidakmandirian dalam sistem peradilan militer pertama, karena faktor kepentingan militer (TNI) yaitu berkaitan dengan tugas pokok TNI mempertahankan kedaulatan negara, oleh karena itu dengan menempatkan peran komandan satuan (Ankum) maupun lembaga kepaperaan didalam sistem penegakan hukum tersebut. Kedua, pada awal pembentukan organisasi peradilan militer menempatkan aparat peradilan sipil sebagai penjabat pada pengadilan militer. Ketua pengadilan negeri yang ditunjuk sebagai tempat kedudukan pengadilan tentara karena jabatannya menjadi ketua pengadilan tentara. Panitera pengadilan negeri juga menjabat sebagai panitera pengadilan tentara, kepala kejaksaan negeri ditetapkan sebagai jaksa tentara. Keadaan demikian menimbulkan keberatan-keberatan dengan alasan dipandang akan tidak menguntungkan bagi militer ataupun kesatuan militer. Peradilan militer ke depan harus mandiri baik secara kelembagaan maupun secara fungsional. Dalam konteks itu maka penyidik adalah polisi militer yang terdiri AD, AL dan AU, bertanggung jawab kepada Danpuspom TNI. Penuntutan dan pelimpahan perkara ke pengadilan dilaksanakan oleh oditur militer yang bertanggung jawab kepada Orjen TNI. Kewenangan pengadilan tidak lagi didasarkan kepada kepangkatan terdakwa. Pembinaan organisasi, administrasi, dan finansial pengadilan militer sepenuhnya berada dibawah MARI sebagaimana diatur dalam undang-undang.Military Court is the body that conduct the judicial power in the Indonesian Military Force (TNI) scope to enforce law and justice. The Military Court does not culminate and not supervised by the Indonesian Military Force headquarters, but culminates and is supervised by the Supreme Court of the Republic of Indonesia. The Philosophy of  the occurrence of dependence in the first military justice system, because of the interest of the military (TNI) which is associated with its principal task of TNI is to defend the national sovereignty, for that reason, by putting the role of commander of the unit (Ankum) as well as kepaperaan within the law enforcement system. The Head of the district court also covers Military Court in his jurisdiction because of it the Head of district court becomes the Head of Military Court. The Registrar is automatically also the Registrar of Military Court, Head of State Prosecutors assigned as military prosecutor. These circumstances affect objections which are seen as unfavorable for military or military units. The authority of the Court is no longer based on the rank of the defendant, the hierarchy of court proceedings such as judges, military Prosecutors, defense attorneys, no longer use the rank but wearing a toga. Development of organizational, administrative, financial of Military Courts is fully under the Supreme Court held consequently as stipulated in the law of judicial power.  The execution of criminal act by military prison, executed equally as prisoner without discriminating the person by his rank. 

scholarly journals The Judicial Review of Law-Making Process in Iraq under the Constitution of Republic of Iraq-2005

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 37-49
Author(s):  
Adnan Qadir
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Legislative Power ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Federal Laws ◽  
The Law ◽  
Federal Supreme ◽  
Law Making

The law-making process as a whole vested in the legislative power in the presidential form of government, however in the parliamentary form of government, the executive power participates in the law-making through introducing bills along with legislative initiatives. The Constitution in Iraq grants an original authority to legislate federal laws to the Council of Representatives, however the executive power namely the President and the Council of Ministries participates in the process through introducing government bills to the Council of Representatives. Although the Constitution clearly identifies two methods through which bills shall be presented to the Council of Representatives, there have been disagreements over the constitutionality of laws legislated based legislative initiatives not government bills. The Federal Supreme Court has decided differently on different occasions by depriving the legislative power of its right to initiate in some cases or by putting restrictions in some other cases. This research analyzes the line drawn between the Council of Representatives and the executive power in the process of law-making at its first stage and then examines the Federal Supreme Court’s understanding in the light of the text of the Constitution.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document