scholarly journals The Consequences of the Political Crisis of July 1918 for the Upper Volga Organizations of the Party of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries

Author(s):  
Nikolay V. Tikhomirov

The article considers the peculiarities of the position of the Upper Volga organizations of the Party of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries caused by the crisis of July 1918 which marked the beginning of the total loss of the Party’s political influence in the country in whole. The author shows the difficulties and methods of ideological and political struggle between the local Left Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Bolsheviks during the period from July to December 1918, traces the process of ousting the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries from the local Soviets, considers the features of the local Left Socialist-Revolutionaries’ organizational work in the new political reality.

Author(s):  
Stefano Rebeggiani

A new reading of Statius’ main poem and its relationship with the cultural and political life at Rome under Domitian is given. This book studies in detail the poem’s view of power and its interaction with historical contexts. Written under Domitian and in the aftermath of the civil war of 69 CE, the Thebaid uses the veil of myth to reflect on the political reality of Imperial Rome. The poem presents itself to its audience and to the emperor as a lesson on effective kingship and a warning on the fragility of power. Rooted in a pessimistic view of human beings and human relationships, the Thebaid reflects on the harsh necessity of monarchical power as the only antidote to a world always on the verge of returning to chaos. In the absence of the gods, the fate of human communities lies in the hands of the individuals in power. Although humans, and especially kings, are fragile and often the prey of irrational passions, the Thebaid expresses the hope that an illuminated sovereign endowed with clementia [mercy] may offer a solution to the political crisis of the Roman Empire. Statius’ narrative also responds to Domitian’s problematic interaction with Nero, whom Domitian regarded as both a negative model and a source of inspiration. This book shows that the Thebaid is particularly close to the intellectual activities and political views formulated by groups of Roman aristocrats who survived Nero’s repression and that the poem is influenced by an initial phase in Domitian’s regime characterized by a positive relationship between the emperor and the Roman elite.


Author(s):  
Juvêncio Borges Silva ◽  
Fernanda Morato da Silva Pereira

A presente pesquisa analisa a influência política nas decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal, particularmente o cumprimento da Constituição Federal e seus ideais principiológicos pela Corte Suprema e sua atuação contramajoritária e representativa. Nesse sentido, questiona a interpretação aberta da Constituição no que se refere “poder” ou “dever” conferido ao órgão. Pretende-se elucidar a separação dos poderes e a crise política instalada no país, de maneira a suscitar a judicilialização e o ativismo judicial, este último como instrumento do judiciário para legislar em favor/contra determinada questão política. Orienta-se pelo método hipotético-dedutivo, lastreado em livros, artigos científicos e publicações em sites institucionais, referenciada pela teoria sistêmica de Niklas Luhmann. Ao cabo, conclui-se que a separação dos poderes, a observância dos códigos que orientam o direito e a política e o equilíbrio de atuação de cada um são indispensáveis para manutenção da República. O modelo ideal não estará em nenhum dos dois extremos, nenhuma ou total influência política. O direito deve ser autônomo à política, pois essa autonomia é essencial para a subsistência do conceito de Estado de direito e para a confiança da sociedade nas instituições judiciais.   Abstract: This research analyzes the political influence in the decisions of the Federal Supreme Court, particularly, the fulfillment of the Federal Constitution and its ideological ideologies by the Supreme Court and its counter majoritarian and representative action. In this sense, it questions the open interpretation of the Constitution regarding "power" or "duty" conferred on the body. It seeks to elucidate the separation of powers and the political crisis installed in the country, in order to raise judicialization and judicial activism, the latter as an instrument of the judiciary to legislate for / against a particular political issue. It uses the hypothetical-deductive method, backed by books, scientific articles and publications on institutional sites, referenced by the systemic theory of Niklas Luhmann. The study led to the conclusion that the separation of powers, the observance of the codes that guide the law and the policy and the balance of action of each one are indispensable for the maintenance of the Republic. The ideal model will not be at either extreme, no or total political influence. The law must be autonomous to politics, since this autonomy is essential for the survival of the concept of the rule of law and for the trust of society in judicial institutions.


2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 257-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vyacheslav Likhachev

Civil protests of Ukrainian citizens during winter 2013–2014 were accompanied by an intense informational campaign, which had not always corresponded to the reality. In the course of this campaign, Maidan’s activists, the political opposition — and, correspondingly, the new government that was formed after the revolution ended in victory — were depicted as ultra-nationalistic, extremist, and xenophobic. Under these circumstances, it is extremely important for both Ukrainian citizens and foreign observers to understand the real role of national-radicals in the Maidan protests and the events that followed. What were the reasons for the Ukrainian people to begin the protests? Is it true that the “banderovtsy” made up the bulk of the protesters? Is the victory of the Maidan also the victory of the political ultra-right? Does the Ukrainian ultra-nationalism have a strong support in the society, according to the results of the elections? What kind of future does the far right have in the new Ukrainian political reality?


Author(s):  
Olga I. Mikhnevich ◽  
Anatoliy P. Chudinov

The article is devoted to the diachronic research of the metaphorical portrait of a political leader. The principle of focus fragmentation is used in this research: two fragments of political reality are considered. The diachronic analysis helps to identify constant and variable characteristics for each synchronic slice (a period of time). The present article examines the development of the metaphorical image of Mikheil Saakashvili in the British media. The metaphors of two time periods are compared: the period of Saakashvili’s tenure as the President (2004-2013) and the period after the resignation. The research is based on the British media texts devoted to Mikheil Saakashvili and his activities, which were published in the period 2004-2019. According to the analysis, the number of metaphors with a negative assessment increases, especially during Saakashvili took part in the political struggle in Ukraine. These are metaphors with the sphere-source “War”, “Game / Sport”, “Theater”. The analysis shows that the quantitative indicator of some metaphorical models changes: the number of metaphors with the sphere-source of “Theater” increases in the second synchronic slice, the number of metaphors with the sphere-source of “Monarchy”, “Physiology”, “Mechanism”, etc. decreases. This may indicate a certain connection between the political changes and the frequency of metaphorical models. It is also worthwhile to pay attention to onomastic metaphors characterizing the ex-president of Georgia. The analysis shows that the changes of semantic shade depends on the political situation. The study contributes to better understanding of the general pattern of the dynamics of metaphorical images. The perspectives of our study are comparison of metaphorical images of political leaders in the media of Great Britain, Russia, the United States and other countries.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (8) ◽  
pp. 78-89
Author(s):  
I. N. Grebenkin

The crisis of the statehood in Russia in 1917 revealed the inability of traditional political institutions to execute its primary responsibilities which allowed new participants into the arena of the political struggle. One of these was the new army having appeared as a result of mass mobilization, however much different from a typical pre-war full-time army with its personnel, structure and its place in state life. In early 1917 the state and attitude of the army was similar to that of the general societal population, in particular the unpopularity of both the war and the political leadership of the country. The army participation was essential to the February Revolution victory. The Petrograd infantry revolt within military ranks defined the final success of the coup in the capital, and the Supreme Commander’s Headquarters agreed with the opposition and became an organizer of the Emperor recantation. Revolutionary changes gave an impulse to the politicization of army life. Soldiers’ and sailors’ anti-military ambition growth led to the rapid decline of discipline and fighting efficiency. In the summer of 1917, a number of generals headed by general L. G. Kornilov offered the government a number of proposed strong measures directed towards the recovery of discipline within the country and army. The intention to put in place a steady regime in the interests of continuing the war could not be coordinated openly, therefore it obtained a conspiracy nature between the Provisional Government and the Supreme Commander’s Headquarters. The realization of it became impossible in the absence of the participants’ mutual confidence and respect. The breakdown between them became the cause of the August political crisis and future radicalization of internal conflict. Military contingents became the main military power of the October Revolution in Petrograd. Soldiers’ and sailors’ conviction in justice of revolutionary reorganizations and waiting for the coming peace resulted in their increased influence for determining political direction.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.


Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter

In 1989, when the Cold War ended, there were six permanent international courts. Today there are more than two dozen that have collectively issued over thirty-seven thousand binding legal rulings. This book charts the developments and trends in the creation and role of international courts, and explains how the delegation of authority to international judicial institutions influences global and domestic politics. The book presents an in-depth look at the scope and powers of international courts operating around the world. Focusing on dispute resolution, enforcement, administrative review, and constitutional review, the book argues that international courts alter politics by providing legal, symbolic, and leverage resources that shift the political balance in favor of domestic and international actors who prefer policies more consistent with international law objectives. International courts name violations of the law and perhaps specify remedies. The book explains how this limited power—the power to speak the law—translates into political influence, and it considers eighteen case studies, showing how international courts change state behavior. The case studies, spanning issue areas and regions of the world, collectively elucidate the political factors that often intervene to limit whether or not international courts are invoked and whether international judges dare to demand significant changes in state practices.


2013 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-237
Author(s):  
Sławomir Buryła

Summary The article examines the representation in Polish fiction of the atmosphere of the political protests of March 1968. The relevant texts can be divided into two groups, those that were written about the time of the crisis and those that focused on the March events, as they came to be known, in retrospect. The former includes the anti-Semitic short stories and novels written by Stanisław Ryszard Dobrowolski and Roman Bratny - works whose profile makes them exceptional in postwar Polish fiction. The latter is made up of an assortment of fiction and memoirs.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.


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