scholarly journals Techniques and Practices of Speech Expression in Arab Diplomatic Communication

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-118
Author(s):  
Enesh K. Akhmatshina ◽  
◽  
Kseniya Yu. Demidova ◽  
Aleksei Yu. Bykov ◽  
◽  
...  

The article is devoted to analysis of the techniques and practices of speech expression in Arab diplomatic communication through the example of speeches made by Arab diplomatic corps representatives and politicians at various UN venues. Original texts of speeches made by Permanent Representatives of Arab countries at the UN concerning the situation in the Middle East were chosen as the material for the study. The time frame covers the period from 2011 to 2018. The UN’s multimedia resources are one of the largest platforms for diplomatic dialogue open to the general public. Due to the intensification of relations between Russia and the Arab countries, it is necessary to identify the specifics of Arab diplomatic communication, as the speaker’s statements are not intended to express his or her own attitude and assessment, but the attitude of the state he or she represents. When analyzing the texts of speeches by diplomatic corps representatives in general, we observed the interpenetration and mutual influence of several types of language styles, which depend on the specifics of the issue under discussion: officialese style, inherent in diplomatic correspondence, and publicistic, which is found in public speeches. The intermingling of styles undoubtedly affects both the lexical and syntactic weight of the texts in a statement. In turn, Arab speakers cannot remain emotionally indifferent to the problems of their region due to the difficult political situation in the Middle East. For this reason, we noted not only a regular deviation from diplomatic speech standards, primarily the abundance of emotionally evaluative vocabulary in the texts of their speeches, but also special strategies for constructing texts that help to have a certain effect directed at listeners and opponents — expression. Among the most commonly used methods of speech expression, we have identified repetition, cohesion, convergence and the effect of defeated expectancy. By means of analysis of expressive syntaxes we studied the specifics of the use of these methods of speech expression at the level of usual-clichéd Arabic text and highlighted the specifics of tapping this speech strategy in the language of Arabic diplomacy.

Author(s):  
Wissal Werfelli

The article analyzes the issue of the Middle East security. The Arab countries are facing a lot of regional threats and a fundamental shift in the regional security system, which has become one of the basic variables for the Middle East through the transition to a new form of regional and international interactions. The existence of mutual influences between the nature of the international system and the regional order of the Middle East and the Gulf region is already considered as an incubator for all intractable conflicts and crises.  We cannot study the concept of regional security in separate from the global effects and repercussions. After the end of the Cold War and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the structural transformations and global changes led to the emergence of profound changes in the international system, which resulted in the restructuring of the general features of the international environment.  The international transformation is marked by the fact that the new world order increased the chances of emergence of new international powers in both Europe and Asia, whether countries or major economic or political blocs trying to establish a multi-polar international order, which prompted the United States to pursue a policy of cooperation with competing powers.  And in light of this international environment, it was natural for the regions of strategic importance, particularly the Middle East, to be affected because they were linked to relations of mutual influence with the international system, as international balances affect regional balances.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-19
Author(s):  
Heyirbek S. Gasimov ◽  
Dilaver M. Azimli

The Ilkhanate included large territories in the Near and the Middle East, where a process of mutual influence of many peoples, tribes and cultures took place. When the Hulagu khan Ahmed Tekuder (1282-1284) converted to Islam, the Muslims of Azerbaijan, who constituted the absolute majority of the country's population, welcomed this move. After the assassination of Ahmed Tekuder, Arghun (1284-1291), Gaykhatu (1291-1295) and Baydu (1295) took the Hulagu throne by turn. This period went down in history as a time of violent internal conflict in the House of Hulagu, freedom of action for representatives of all religions, except Islam, persecution of Muslims, religious, financial and economic, administrative experiments of Hulagu khans. In 1295, Ghazan Khan took the Hulagu throne. He radically changed the attitude of official authority towards Islam. Even before his accession to the throne (June 16, 1295), Ghazan-khan converted to Islam and then was called by the Muslim name Mahmud. The conversion to Islam by Ghazan Khan ensured the prevailing position of the Ilkhanate in the system of international relations of the Near and Middle East. For manageable, strong, stable socio-economic and political life of a huge empire, the optimal choice of unifying state ideology was extremely important. Ghazan Khan successfully completed the way started by Ahmed Tekuder. Since the reign of Ghazan Khan (Mahmud), the Ilkhanate began to claim leadership in the Muslim world. The problem of the "legitimacy" of the Ilkhanate also found its solution. The Ilkhanate bordered the largest states of that time: with the state of nomadic Mongols, governed by the descendants of Juchi Khan, the eldest son of Genghis Khan (known in Russian historiography as the Golden Horde); with the state of the Mamluks sultans of Egypt; with the Mongolian nomadic tribes in Central Asia, descendants of Chaghatai - the son of Genghis Khan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-48
Author(s):  
Nikolay F. Bugay ◽  
◽  
Tatiana S. Bushueva ◽  

Introduction. An analysis of the materials of the proposed meeting makes it possible to replenish knowledge about such an important and difficult period in the history of the USSR in the late 1980s and in the subsequent period of development of statehood. Undoubtedly, in one way or another, the participants in the meeting referred to the situation and its assessments at that time. In their speeches, there was an attempt to understand the complex socio-political situation, to give an objective assessment of the transformations that took place in many spheres of the life of the state, its economy, culture, the state of society as a whole, relations between peoples in the state. The authors of the article attach particular importance to this historical moment. Aiming to partially reflect the situation in the state, relying on the presented materials of the meeting of directors of branches of one of the leading centers of Marxism-Leninism (IML), which operated under the Central Committee of the CPSU until November 1991. Research methods. On the basis of well-known methods of historical research, analysis of sources, scientific works of predecessors on the history of the Soviet state, measures of the party and social movements [1-18], materials of speeches by the participants of the meeting (a group of public and political figures) in the named time frame (April 1989), it became possible to reconstruct and supplement historical knowledge of the events and difficulties of the late 1980s. Society experienced them during the period under review in the Soviet Union. Results. The convocation of a meeting at the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in April 1989 also made it possible, on the fresh trail, to assess the complex socio-political situation in the USSR, associated with the difficulties of the economic development of the state. The participants of the meeting considered the principles of the emerging contradictions on ethnic grounds, exacerbation of interethnic relations. The participants in the meeting analyzed the reasons for the contradictions that arose and the aggravation of the national policy. The authors also analyzed the shortcomings of methods of managing national processes in society, the emergence of the possibility of transition to the principle of regulating this aspect of society's life, to the creation of new social technologies for arranging the life of the peoples of the country, and democratization of social relations. The solution of these tasks fell on the subsequent period of development of statehood – the 1990–2000s. Conclusions. The content of the speeches by the participants in the conference – representatives of the party and political movements who were developing the theory of building a multinational state based on the principles of broad democracy – testifies to how difficult the situation with the political component of society was. An analysis of various aspects of this process allows us to reveal the imperfection of many forms and methods of work to consolidate the multinational community, its mobilization for progressive development. The materials of the meeting are at the same time a meaningful source for studying the history of this period of Soviet statehood. The conclusion was suggested by the participants themselves. “All of us – both politicians and scientists – should take into account that national movements do not remain the province of history, that is, do not remain in the past. They exist today, and perhaps they will exist for a long time, and we must learn to treat them calmly, patiently and delicately” (G.R. Simonyan). “It is necessary to create a special research institute that would study interethnic relations and their problems” (D.G. Sturua).


Author(s):  
Sathyanarayanan Doraiswamy ◽  
Sohaila Cheema ◽  
Patrick Maisonneuve ◽  
Amit Abraham ◽  
Ingmar Weber ◽  
...  

While the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic wreaked havoc across the globe, we have witnessed substantial mis- and disinformation regarding various aspects of the disease. We conducted a cross-sectional study using a self-administered questionnaire for the general public (recruited via social media) and healthcare workers (recruited via email) from the State of Qatar, and the Middle East and North Africa region to understand the knowledge of and anxiety levels around COVID-19 (April–June 2020) during the early stage of the pandemic. The final dataset used for the analysis comprised of 1658 questionnaires (53.0% of 3129 received questionnaires; 1337 [80.6%] from the general public survey and 321 [19.4%] from the healthcare survey). Knowledge about COVID-19 was significantly different across the two survey populations, with a much higher proportion of healthcare workers possessing better COVID-19 knowledge than the general public (62.9% vs. 30.0%, p < 0.0001). A reverse effect was observed for anxiety, with a higher proportion of very anxious (or really frightened) respondents among the general public compared to healthcare workers (27.5% vs. 11.5%, p < 0.0001). A higher proportion of the general public tended to overestimate their chance of dying if they become ill with COVID-19, with 251 (18.7%) reporting the chance of dying (once COVID-19 positive) to be ≥25% versus 19 (5.9%) of healthcare workers (p < 0.0001). Good knowledge about COVID-19 was associated with low levels of anxiety. Panic and unfounded anxiety, as well as casual and carefree attitudes, can propel risk taking and mistake-making, thereby increasing vulnerability. It is important that governments, public health agencies, healthcare workers, and civil society organizations keep themselves updated regarding scientific developments and that they relay messages to the community in an honest, transparent, unbiased, and timely manner.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andre Wirautomo

The way of U.S. diplomacy under President Trump administration declared a different approach from the Obama era. As President Trump extols unpredictability as a virtue, where Trump is more active through social media in conveying his views. That behavior considered a boomerang for U.S. diplomacy. Under President Trump’s administration, many of the state statement is contradicted with the White House. The uncertainty of U.S. diplomacy is seen when the United States involved in efforts to resolve the Qatar crisis. Qatar crisis is a diplomatic crisis that occurred between Qatar and the Gulf Arab countries which reached its peak in 2017. The United States has never interfered disputes between Qatar and the Gulf Arab countries that have occurred since 2002. However, the United States increased the tension of the Qatar crisis after several tweets from President Trump criticize Qatar funds terrorism in the Middle East. Simultaneously, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson corrected President Trump's statement by expressing the U.S. is supporting Qatar and trying to help by resolving the conflict as quickly as possible. Qatar is well known as the closest ally of the United States on combating terrorism in the Middle East. The disputes between Qatar and the Gulf Arab countries considered had an impact to be interrupting the movement of the United States on combating terrorism in the Middle East which directly affects several U.S. interests in the region. Differences between President Trump and the State Department do not send a clear nor unified message that is a problem for U.S. strategy towards the Qatar Crisis. It considered as proof of the uncertainty of U.S. diplomacy under President Trump administration. Through this analysis the article seeing the uncertainty of the U.S. diplomacy strategy in resolving the Qatar crisis


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 477-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos García-Rivero

Abstract The so-called “Arab spring” has swept throughout Middle East and North Africa against authoritarian forms of government, overthrowing regimes from West to East. After several aborted and repressed attempts, by Islamic parties, to access the institutions through the elections, mainly in the early 2000, the society rose in arms against the Arab State. In the forms of revolt, anger against the State repression has shaken the whole region. This article analyses the bases of confidence in the State institutions in five Arab countries in an attempt to evaluate if the current events are taking the region in the correct direction for democratic stability, according to citizens expectations about state reforms. The study is a quantitative analysis making extensive use of survey data gathered from the region. Conclusions reached indicate that, more than Islamisation of societies, citizens demand more respect for human rights and a higher participation and development of civil society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 245-255
Author(s):  
Rostislav F. Turovsky

The article is devoted to the study of the party model of Russian parliamentarism in post-soviet period. The focus is on the issues of party representation and its correlation with the distribution of the managerial positions and introduction of collective legislation at State Duma. These issues are examined from the point of view of reaching cross-party consensus and implementation of fair parliament party representation principle. According to the author Russian parliamentarism model aims at reaching full-fledged party consensus that corresponds better to the principles of popular representation than strict parliament polarization along the line of “authority-opposition”. Understanding of those issues by the majority of the players was noted from the very start of the State Duma activities, in spite of the acute conflicts in the 1990-ies.The author draws the conclusion that the equation of party representation continues to grow at the level of managerial positions in the parliament that allows to improve cooperation of the parties and to reduce authority and opposition conflicts. Thereby the Russian parliamentarism model makes an important contribution to the stabilization of socio-political situation of the country.


Author(s):  
Arkan Ibrahim Adwan

The researcher aimed to identify the most important elements of power for the state of Iraq. As a historically had a country of prestige and influence in its regional, which has made it very important to global and regional powers, in order to achieve their interests in the region.


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