scholarly journals PUBLIC SECTOR INSTITUTIONS OF FOREIGN POLICY EXPERTISE IN UKRAINE:AN ANALYTICAL OVERVIEW

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-359
Author(s):  
Oleg Onopko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Sector ◽  
Structural Damage ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
National Academy Of Sciences ◽  
The Public ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Political Mythology

An important condition for the effective protection and implementation by Russia of its national interests in Ukraine is an understanding of the circle of actors that influence the development of Ukrainian foreign policy. Among them, there are expert institutions that provide analytical and scientific support for foreign policy decisions made by the highest bodies of state power. For- eign policy expertise in Ukraine is a grey area for Russian political science. The article opens a series of publications whose purpose is to solve this problem. It systematizes information about Ukrainian institutes of foreign policy expertise, those whose activities are directly or indirectly financed by the state. It was revealed that during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych (2010– 2014), the public sector suffered significant structural damage, and its consequences have not yet been overcome. Today, Ukrainian public institutions of foreign policy expertise include: the National Institute for Strategic Studies, the Institute of World History of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and university think tanks. The author considers these organizations through the prism of constructivism and institutionalism — as political structures (institutions) whose activities affect the context of Ukrainian foreign policy and the behavior of its actors. It has been established that their main scientific and applied research interests are related to problems of national, regional and international security, Russian domestic politics, problems of information, as well as military and political confrontation with Russia. All these issues are considered by institutions exclusively through the prism of Euro-Atlanticism and anti-Russian political mythology. Since at least 2014, they have been transmitting ideas hostile to Russia to the Ukrainian political and academic elite. In the same vein, the political socialization of students is carried out, in which university think tanks actively work in close collaboration with state and non-governmental organizations of NATO member countries. Today, the public sector of foreign policy expertise in Ukraine is not in the best condition, but it invariably retains its analytical and scientific potential, as well as its tough anti-Russian position.

Academic Analysis and U.S. Policy-Making on Africa: Reflections and Conclusions

1991 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 38-48
Author(s):  
David S. Wiley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
The United States ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
Scholarly Community ◽  
Private Foundations ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Voice

Late in the 1980s, several major U.S. private foundations concluded that the concern for Africa in the country was weak. This weakness was reflected in the faint focus on U.S. foreign policy toward Africa in all three branches of government, in the halting voice for Africa or for U.S. interests there in the non-governmental organizations (think-tanks, religious organizations, lobbies), and in the small concern for U.S. policy or for affecting it in the African studies scholarly community. Indeed, the voice for Africa in the United States was neither strong nor effective.

The limits of influence: foreign policy think tanks in Britain and the USA

1994 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Higgott ◽  
Diane Stone
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Policy Research ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The One

International non–governmental organizations and their influence over policy in international relations have become subjects of scholarly attention in recent years. One sector of the international policy-cum-analytic community that has received little attention, however, is that group of nationally based non-profit independent policy research institutes—popularly known as ‘think tanks’. This is a strange omission. Foreign policy think tanks and institutes of international affairs are of interest to the wider debates in international relations for two reasons. On the one hand, they aspire to be participants—if mostly marginal ones—in the foreign policy making process. On the other hand, notwithstanding the tension between these two roles, some contribute directly to international relationsas a field of study. Yet a common theme prevails. All foreign policy institutes are founded upon a conviction thatideas are important. Researchers and executives of institutes, as well as their corporate, government and foundation supporters, often believe that their intellectual input into policy debates makes a difference. While this can be the case, we suggest that it is less so than many advocates often assume.

scholarly journals Opening a Path towards Sustainable Corporate Behaviour: Public Participation in Criminal Environmental Proceedings

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (14) ◽  
pp. 7886
Author(s):  
Pavel Kotlán ◽  
Alena Kozlová ◽  
Zuzana Machová
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Criminal Liability ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Criminal Proceedings ◽  
Human Rights Protection ◽  
The Public ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations

Establishing criminal liability for environmental offences remains daunting, particularly with regard to the ‘no plaintiff—no judge’ element as a result of which the public seems to be ultimately deprived of the possibility to participate in criminal environmental proceedings. While there is arguably a lack of specific instruments at the European Union (EU) level which would prescribe such legal obligation on the part of the State, there has been a shift in understanding the role of the public and its participation in criminal liability cases, namely under the auspices of the so-called effective investigation and the concept of rights of victims in general. Using the example of the Czech Republic as a point of reference, this article aims to assess the relevant legal developments at both EU and Czech levels to illustrate why the non-governmental organizations (NGOs), essentially acting as public agents, should be granted an active role in environmental criminal proceedings. After examining the applicable legal framework and case law development, the article concludes that effective investigation indeed stands as a valid legal basis for human rights protection which incorporates an entitlement to public participation. Despite that, this pro-active shift is far from being applied in practice, implying that the legislation remains silent where it should be the loudest, and causing unsustainable behaviour of companies.

scholarly journals The Influence of Strategic Leadership on Building Employees’ Entrepreneurial Orientation: A Field Study at the Jordanian Public Sector

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Sahar Mohammad Abu Bakir
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Entrepreneurial Orientation ◽  
Change Agent ◽  
Strategic Leadership ◽  
Successful Implementation ◽  
Continuous Control ◽  
The Public ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Impact

The public sector in Jordan is confronting many problems; reports show that citizens are not contented with the number and quality of current services. Consequently; persistent initiatives to uphold the sector performance took place at all levels, relying on the inventive employees and leadership to achieve the intended improvement. So this study seeks to test the impact of strategic leadership (charismatic, visionary, change agent and servant) on building entrepreneurial orientation (proactiveness, innovativeness and risk taking) in Jordanian public sector employees.A random sample was selected of 500 employees working at health, education, agriculture and other service governmental organizations. To obtain the required results multiple regression was calculated using (21) SPSS version.It was found that the charismatic, change agent, servant styles positively influence employees proaciveness, with no influence on the other two entrepreneurship dimensions. While visionary style has no significant influence on all entrepreneurship dimensions. However the public sector reform is achievable, through comprehensive strategies, successful implementation, and effective continuous control. Innovative departments need to be established and financed away from bureaucratic environments.

scholarly journals Media frames and public perceptions of global poverty in the UK: Is there a link?

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirjam Vossen ◽  
Lau Schulpen
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
Global Poverty ◽  
Media Frames ◽  
The Public ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This study investigates the relationship between media frames and public perceptions of global poverty. Building on a frame analysis, the paper reconstructs prevailing poverty narratives in British news articles and non-governmental organizations’ (NGO’s) advertisements between 2011 and 2013. Following this, these narratives are compared with the narratives that emerge from public opinion studies. The findings suggest that there is a strong connection between media frames and public knowledge and perceptions of global poverty. Both the media and the public define poverty in developing countries’ terms of destitute victims, lack of development and bad governance. Both suggest that the causes of poverty are internal to developing countries and imply that there has been little progress in reducing global poverty.

scholarly journals Foreign Policy of Hungary Towards Ukraine or “European Menu à la Carte”

2018 ◽  
pp. 603-612
Author(s):  
Serhii Esaulov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Historical Justice ◽  
The World ◽  
Formed Part ◽  
The Right ◽  
Expert Community

The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one sees fit and “bring historical justice”. The author notes that one of the reasons for the escalation of the conflict between Hungary and Ukraine has become the language issue. Still, however pity it is, all attempts of the Ukrainian side to resolve conflict matters have appeared to be vane, since Budapest is reluctant to listen to and consider any arguments of Kyiv, being fully distracted by its demand. It is hard to imagine that in civilized “old” Europe, Germany, for instance, would express claims or even threaten France for the fact that pupils in schools of the French region of Alsace (until 1918, its territory formed part of Germany that attempted to annex it at times of the Second World War) are taught in the official language – French, not in the language of the neighbouring country, even though the Alsatian and German languages are equally spoken there. Unfortunately, Hungary seems not to be ready to follow the example of the Franco-German reconciliation in terms of relations with all neighbours, despite the philosophy of its membership in the EU and NATO. The revenge-seeking attitudes of the Hungarian political establishment regarding the revision of borders according to the Versailles and Yalta systems of international relations are constantly boosted in all directions in the neighbouring countries, where ethnic Hungarians live (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine). The so-called “formula of protecting interests of Russian citizens in Crimea and Donbas” adopted from Putin has apparently laid the foundation for the foreign policy strategy of V. Orban. First, as regards the appeal to make the region of ethnic Hungarians’ residence autonomous and subsequently – the appeal to hold a referendum on separation. The author summarizes that along with the political and diplomatic efforts, a substantial role in easing the tension in relations with Budapest should be played by non-governmental organizations and the expert community though holding forums and scientific conferences aiming at discussing the above-mentioned issues. Keywords: Hungary, conflict, Law on Language, geopolitics, strategies, foreign policy, Ukraine.

scholarly journals The Public Policy Implementation on the Merchants Relocation in Tebing Tinggi City, North Sumatera Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. e158911782
Author(s):  
Zainal Abidin Harahap ◽  
Badaruddin Badaruddin ◽  
Heri Kusmanto
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Policy Implementation ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
The Public ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Public Policy Implementation ◽  
In The Beginning

This research described the public policy implementation Mayor's Regulation of Tebing Tinggi City Number: 501/195 of 2018 through model of Van Meter and Van Horn concerning to the Relocation Merchants in Pasar Kain and Pasar Induk Market Tebing Tinggi. This research method applied the qualitative approach and descriptive analysis. To gain data and information some informant included the Head of the Trade Office, Merchants, Members of Legislative and the local non-governmental organizations were selected. According to the research and discussion, there were results of the implementation of the Pasar Kain merchant relocation policy. It show that the standards and policy objectives were adequate of clear and realistic to be implemented. The utilization of available resources was not used optimally, communication between organizations was adequate. In the beginning there are many miscommunications between merchants and the relocation team, the characteristics of the implementing organization were consistent despite the many conflicts of interest and internal conflicts among the social, economic and political environment.  In the initially, there were many social conflicts, the involvement of political elites and decrease income of merchants after being relocated. The attitude of the implementers was also quite consistent in supporting the policy. The implementation of the Pasar merchant relocation policy has not been optimal because the stalls have not been completely occupied.

scholarly journals The role of internal audit in public procurement and the fight against corruption (Bosnia and Herzegovina)

Revizor ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (93) ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Željko Rička ◽  
Anita Šadić
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Public Procurement ◽  
Internal Audit ◽  
The Public ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Media ◽  
Public Money ◽  
Systemic Corruption

Relevant governmental bodies and organizations, non-governmental organizations, international organizations and institutions, especially the media, show increased interest in corruption related to the public procurement. Public procurement is the most frequently cited area in the context of systemic corruption for the simple reason that it directly represents the spending of public money on a large scale, which according to OECD data represents about 7-15% of GDP. One of the possible approaches to prevent corruption in public procurement is the systematic building of the integrity of all entities and institutions involved in the public procurement process. Due to the fact that the internal audit way of organization and work is closest to practical issues of public procurement it has the opportunity to achieve the largest coverage of cases for which public funds are engaged.

The Indian Nationalist Movement and the League of Nations: Prologue to the United Nations

1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.A. Keenleyside
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Governmental Institutions ◽  
British Commonwealth ◽  
The Impact

Prior to 1947, India, despite its dependence upon Great Britain, was represented in most of the bonafide international conferences and organizations that evolved especially during the inter-war years. For example, India participated in the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, the Washington Conference on Naval Armaments of 1921, the London Naval Conference of 1930, the Disarmament Conference of 1932 and the annual inter-war conferences of the International Labour Organization. In addition, India was represented in two important international organizations of the inter-war period—the British Commonwealth, in whose deliberations it was included from 1917 onwards and the League of Nations, of which it was a founding member. For a variety of reasons; Indians involved in the independence movement disassociated themselves from and were critical of official Indian diplomacy conducted through the major international conferences and institutions of the world community and tended to attach greater importance to those non-governmental organizations in which the voice of nationalist India could be fully heard—that is to the deliberations of such bodies as the League Against Imperialism, 1927–1930, the Anti-War Congress of 1932, the World Peace Congress of 1936 and the International Peace Campaign Conference of 1938. Nevertheless, despite the nationalist antipathy for official Indian diplomacy, an examination of such governmental institutions as the League of Nations from the perspective of nationalist India is still important in order to understand some aspects of independent India's foreign policy and more specifically its approach to international organization. Further, even though Indian delegations to the League were unrepresentative, there were subtle ways in which they reflected national Indian opinions and exhibited specifically Indian traits, so that a study of the official Indian role is useful in drawing attention to what were to prove to be some of the earliest and most persisting elements of independent Indian diplomacy via such bodies as the United Nations. It is thus the purpose of this article first to explore nationalist Indian attitudes towards the League (especially the reasons for opposition to the organization), second to analyze the extent to which the official Indian role in the League reflected nationalist Indian concerns, and third to comment upon the impact of the League of Nations on independent India's foreign policy, especially its role in the United Nations.

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