scholarly journals New Regulation of Direct Foreign Investment Screening in the European Union and Interests of Russia

Author(s):  
L. L. Razumnova ◽  
T. E. Migaleva

The article deals with adoption of a new framework regulation of direct foreign investment (DFI) of the European Union in condition of shaping a polycentric system of international relations and re-balancing of global players’ forces, which is accompanied by weakening the positions of the EU on global market and strengthening China as a new superpower. In this situation the EU tries to reinforce economic security and raise competitiveness of economy by protecting the sphere of critical infrastructure and high technologies against external control. The authors provide a brief analysis of geopolitical, economic and political factors, which determined specific features of new EU investment legislation. The scale and structure of Chinese DFI in EU economy were estimated and specificity of the process of mutual outsourcing of EU and China political values was identified. According to the analysis, China that increases its presence in the EU, apart from big finance possibilities uses differentiation of priorities in foreign and home policy of member-states and internal European contradictions and fragmentation of EU legislation. By using the text of the framework Regulation 2019/452 key elements and procedures were described and contradictions in the mechanism of investment selection being designed were found. It is proved that these contradictions, including numerous different agreements and institutional units involved in the process, keeping national priorities in making final decisions in the absence of necessary for DFI screening function system elements and others hinder the creation of the efficiently functioning supranational system of European DFI control. A conclusion was drawn that introduction of the Regulation can have a negative effect on the inflow of Russian investment to Europe. At the same time Russia cannot affect designing of this screening mechanism, as its role is limited by the frameworks of European policy of partial communication isolation. In the long-term the toughness of using investment regulation in the EU will depend on the outline of the US – EU – Russia confrontation.

New Medit ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Augustin Ignatov

The goal of the present paper is to demonstrate whether the varying performance of the European Union states in terms of business and entrepreneurial attractiveness and activity is diminishing the level of overall economic security. Accordingly, the particular objectives which are to be achieved include: firstly, structuring the EU countries by performance groups in terms of economic efficiency; secondly, development of an innovative approach through which it can be analysed the dynamics and present level of economic security across the identified groups; and thirdly, analysis of interdependence between the selected indicators within the developed approach and, as result, suggestion of relevant policy measures at the level of the European Union. The methodology applied to reach the goal and objectives of the research includes a throughout quantitative analysis of data regarding the discrepancies in the European Union in terms of innovation output, resource productivity, employees’ salary, business R&D expenditure, international investment positions, gross fixed capital formation, exports, energy efficiency and unemployment. The results reached expressively underline that the level of discrepancies among the performance groups in the European Union is high, these differences growing in the areas of business and entrepreneurial performance.


Author(s):  
Iryna Tykhonenko

The article focuses on one of the current areas of European Union cooperation within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, namely with the Kingdom of Morocco. The official Rabat has both a historical basis for cooperation with the EU (colonial past) and an established dialogue with the European Union from associate membership to the acquisition of a special partnership status in 2008. The purpose of Morocco’s special status in the EU is to: strengthen dialogue and cooperation in the field of politics and security; gradual integration of Morocco into the EU internal market through approximation of legislation and regulations. The main directions and areas of multilateral cooperation between Morocco and the EU are highlighted especially Rabat ties with leading European powers (notably France and Spain) as implementation of bilateral level and at the level of integration with EU as political body. It is revealed that the acquisition of a special status in cooperation with the EU aims to deepen cooperation not only in the economic, security and energy spheres, but also the human dimension of bilateral relations, which affects human rights and cultural and humanitarian level of relations. In particular, the topical agenda for bilateral Moroccan-European relations is migration issues, the problem of Western Sahara, which complicate dialogue somewhat. The leading role in Morocco’s relations with EU Member States is played by dialogue within the Francophonie, as well as interpersonal contacts in the fields of culture, education and science. These contacts are closely maintained between Morocco, France and Spain, and implemented the EU’s values policy mentioned in the Association Agreement. It is revealed that cultural cooperation plays a positive role in the fight against religious extremism and civil society building.


Author(s):  
Luis M. Hinojosa-Martínez

Since the Treaty of Lisbon introduced ‘foreign direct investment’ into the provisions on the common commercial policy of the European Union (EU), the scope of that competence has raised a lively debate. Much less attention, however, has been paid to the rules on the free movement of capital in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, although this area is highly relevant to clarify the blurred boundaries of the EU’s competence concerning foreign investment. This article reviews arguments from the chapter on the free movement of capital and from the recent European practice and case-law to shed light on the debate about the competence on foreign investment. It also depicts the circumstances in which the Court of Justice has to deliver its Opinion on the EU competence to sign and conclude the EU-Singapore Free Trade Agreement.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Anna Kańciak

The ability to conduct attacks in cyberspace from any location in the world, together with a high level of anonymity for the perpetrator, underlines the global nature of this issue. Consequently, threats within cyberspace have become one of the most serious challenges for the national and economic security of countries. The immaterial character of cyberspace and the threats emerging from within its framework transcend borders in respect of both the subject and territorial dimension. The illegal activities conducted in cyberspace are also connected with the low, and constantly decreasing, costs of initiating and conducting attacks along with the relatively high possibility of by the attacking entity remaining anonymous.3 Cyber-security strategies are the response of the European Union and its Member States to the emerging threats. Developing national strategies is a relatively new trend. In such documents Member States present their national perspective in respect of cyberspace protection as well as the rules of conduct, perception of the threat, risk assessment and a strategic objective complemented by other specific objectives. These documents help national decision-makers with policy making in terms of cyberspace protection and the allocation of the resources essential for its development. Apart from cyberspace, strategies designate crucial areas of the state’s functioning as principal area of the protection that require special preventive action, i.e. critical infrastructure, economic development, national security, social development and a sense of security as a component within information-communications technologies applications.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (01) ◽  
pp. 1950003
Author(s):  
AUGUSTIN IGNATOV

The European Union (EU) has certainly reduced its influence in the global economic affairs. Despite the fact that it unites 28 nations, including the former great powers such as the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy, the political and economic power of the community has considerably decreased starting with the second half of 2000s. The present research is undertaken with the aim of increasing the readers’ awareness regarding the necessity of enforcing the EU economic security through consolidating the authority of the supranational bodies in relation with national representatives. The objectives to be reached in this regard include assessing how much the governance efficiency alternations among the EU member countries influence the efficiency of the single market in a globalised society. It was found that several processes determined the decline of Europe’s strength including raising globalisation and increasing competition, economic weaknesses of the EU which worsened during the crisis, stagnation of the integration process, feeble leadership and lack of resoluteness, especially in the most developed EU nations, declining adherence to “core” values, migration crisis, little political commitment to protecting EU’s citizens’ interests, and countries’ individualism in promoting key initiatives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-93
Author(s):  
Tamás Szádeczky

The term information security evolved to cybersecurity nowadays, which emphasises the interdependence of information assets and the importance of cyber-physical systems. Parallel to this, the need for appropriate management of the EU and government strategies and new public administration tasks also appeared. In the European Union, the first measure concerning this issue was the establishment of the European Union Agency for Network and Information Security (ENISA) in 2004, mostly with consultative tasks. The first official cybersecurity strategy in the EU, called the Open, Safe and Secure Cyberspace, was accepted in 2013. Afterwards, ENISA’s role has been strengthened as well as its range of tasks were broadened. Beside the critical infrastructure protection efforts, the Network Information Security (NIS) directive and related legislation were a giant leap towards a common level of cybersecurity in the community. The formation of an EU Cybersecurity Act and filling NIS with more practical guidance is an ongoing process nowadays. Despite being a post-socialist country, Hungary is in the first line of legislation on cybersecurity in the community. Since 2005 there were several government decrees, from 2009 the first act-level rules on the information security of some governmental services. Based on the National Security Strategy, the National Cybersecurity Strategy was formed in 2013. The same year the first information security act applicable to all government, local government, governmental data processing and critical infrastructure service providers has come into force. The alignment of the National Cybersecurity Strategy to NIS directive happens these days. Thus, the regulation of cybersecurity in the EU and in Hungary are heading in the right direction, but the practical implementation today is far away from the strategic objectives. The community is lagging far behind the United States of America and China, just to mention the most important players in the field.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-282
Author(s):  
Tomasz Pawłuszko

This article examines the issue of insecurity in the European Union. The analysis is based on the centre-periphery approach with the starting hypothesis that the asymmetry of potentials in the states and regions within the European Union is a result of historical social and economic differences. Contemporary discourse on the concept called “Multi-speed Europe” is perceived as a creation of the concrete political and institutional framework for defined disparities. Therefore, this concept is criticized by the new members of the EU, which remain insecure and dependent on European cohesion policies. During my research, I have engaged several achievements of economic security and development studies.


Energies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (21) ◽  
pp. 4118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Flores-Chamba ◽  
López-Sánchez ◽  
Ponce ◽  
Guerrero-Riofrío ◽  
Álvarez-García

In recent decades, various policies have been implemented to reduce energy consumption, as well as a considerable increase in research that analyzes the determinants of energy consumption, both with a standard feature, mitigating environmental degradation. However, few studies investigate the economic and spatial determinants of energy consumption in the European Union (EU). Therefore, to cover the knowledge gap, based on the review of the existing literature, this document is designed to analyze the determinants and energy policy in energy consumption in the EU. For this reason, the objective of this research is to analyze the effect of human capital, the price of oil, and Kyoto Protocol policy on energy consumption. In addition, the effect of contiguity and spatial concentration on energy consumption is studied for 34 European countries, of which 26 belong to the EU, for the period 2000–2016. For this, data collected from the World Bank (2017) and the World Energy Statistical Review (2017) were used. The work methodology is based on the application of econometric techniques for panel data, and spatial econometrics, based on the application of a Spatial Durbin Model (SDM), through which the existence of “spillovers” was determined in the implementation of the energy policy. The results of the estimates show a negative effect of the price of oil and human capital concerning energy consumption, and the variable "Policy" reflects a reduction in the energy consumption of the EU countries in the period analyzed. Additionally, the space panel confirms that the behavior of a country's energy consumption depends on its past values and the level of consumption presented by its neighbors, corroborating the importance of territorial contiguity in the success of environmental policy in the case of the European Union.


Author(s):  
Angela Huyue Zhang

This chapter investigates the EU’s dilemma when applying the existing merger review framework to scrutinize acquisitions by Chinese companies. The EU merger review only acts on acquisitions of controlling interest. This means that Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) can bypass the EU antitrust scrutiny by making minority acquisitions in Europe. However, minority shareholding in rivals can still create anticompetitive effects, as abundant economic literature has demonstrated. In fact, there is a blurred line between SOEs and privately owned enterprises in China, and a Chinese SOE could escape antitrust scrutiny entirely by employing a non-controlling subsidiary as a vehicle to acquire European assets. Given this regulatory dilemma, the chapter argues that a thoughtful response to acquisitions by Chinese SOEs necessitates a shift in regulatory focus from defining what constitutes an undertaking to understanding the effects of Chinese state ownership. It also cautions against deploying competition policy too broadly when reviewing Chinese SOE acquisitions. As the EU’s existing antitrust regulatory framework is not fully equipped to handle Chinese investments, it is not surprising to see that both the European Union and some of its Member States are tightening their foreign investment review to scrutinize Chinese takeovers.


2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-312
Author(s):  
Gorica Bošković ◽  
Ana Stojković

Abstract The union of the most developed European countries and their heavy industry based economies after the World War II, seemed like the only answer to USA’s and Japan’s powerful economies. At the same time, it was the only chance for Europe to become competitive in the global market. That was achieved through various forms of economic communities, formed in Europe in the second half of XX century. Since the 1992. Maastricht Treaty, they are known as the European Union. European Union industrial policy had the same priorities since the very beginning – to make Europe the leader of global economy, through investments in knowledge and high-tech inovation. However, that still hasn’t happened and considering all the economical and political crisis shaking the Union lately, chances are it can hardly happen at all. Reasons are numerous and different, both inside and outside the Union. The implicit question being posed here is have the most developed world countries and their economies reached their peak and can the EU achieve further growth on the supersaturated global market? This paper investigates the role of industrial policy as one of the key factors for solution to many problems in the past as well as in the future of the EU, which would make this economic and political community of European countries much more competitive on the global market.


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