The Polish Biotech & Life Science Sector: The Convergence of Culture, Ambition & Need

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Eliza Barbachowska ◽  
Roland Z. Kozlowski

The Polish Life Science sector has been growing for the last decade and has received billions of euros in EU funding, but has still failed to attract significant private investment. Despite the EU financing, there are still no real market or investment success stories, although companies are emerging with the potential to be globally competitive. This article examines the financing and behaviour of the Polish Life Science sector in the context of the Polish innovative economy and provides a cultural perspective to the challenges facing the sector.

F1000Research ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 1129
Author(s):  
Marvin Martens ◽  
Rob Stierum ◽  
Emma L. Schymanski ◽  
Chris T. Evelo ◽  
Reza Aalizadeh ◽  
...  

Toxicology has been an active research field for many decades, with academic, industrial and government involvement. Modern omics and computational approaches are changing the field, from merely disease-specific observational models into target-specific predictive models. Traditionally, toxicology has strong links with other fields such as biology, chemistry, pharmacology and medicine. With the rise of synthetic and new engineered materials, alongside ongoing prioritisation needs in chemical risk assessment for existing chemicals, early predictive evaluations are becoming of utmost importance to both scientific and regulatory purposes. ELIXIR is an intergovernmental organisation that brings together life science resources from across Europe. To coordinate the linkage of various life science efforts around modern predictive toxicology, the establishment of a new ELIXIR Community is seen as instrumental. In the past few years, joint efforts, building on incidental overlap, have been piloted in the context of ELIXIR. For example, the EU-ToxRisk, diXa, HeCaToS, transQST, and the nanotoxicology community have worked with the ELIXIR TeSS, Bioschemas, and Compute Platforms and activities. In 2018, a core group of interested parties wrote a proposal, outlining a sketch of what this new ELIXIR Toxicology Community would look like. A recent workshop (held September 30th to October 1st, 2020) extended this into an ELIXIR Toxicology roadmap and a shortlist of limited investment-high gain collaborations to give body to this new community. This Whitepaper outlines the results of these efforts and defines our vision of the ELIXIR Toxicology Community and how it complements other ELIXIR activities.


In 1947, the United States of America launched the European Recovery Programme to support the post-war reconstruction of Europe. The Marshall Plan, as it became known after U.S. Secretary of State George C. Marshall, was one of the major success stories of US foreign policy in the twentieth century. The notion of an EU Recovery Programme for Ukraine provoked interest – and division in Ukraine. The enlargement of the EU in 2004 and 2007 demonstrated the EU’s capacity to mount grand economic and political projects. However, since then, the EU has faced difficulties exerting influence and constructing a coherent narrative of its role in the European neighbourhood and the wider world. Would a more transformative aid and development programme for its Ukrainian neighbour offer an opportunity for the EU as well as Ukraine? In this article we use a series of elite interviews conducted across Ukraine in 2016-17 to explore how such a notion is understood. We find that Ukrainian elites have mixed feelings about existing EU aid programmes; many respondents resented the conditions the EU imposes, but nor do they want or expect aid to be given unconditionally. Whilst many aspire for Ukraine to reach EU standards of law and prosperity, Ukrainian elites favour self-help in their efforts to forge a stable sovereign state. Both the EU and Russia are understood as metonymies – as standing for two sets of values and geopolitical futures – and neither quite fit what Ukrainians seek. We conclude that whilst a Marshall Plan-style action could have benefits, it is not desired as a basis for a shared narrative and basis of cooperation and development.


Author(s):  
Chloe E. Taft

The process of urban deindustrialization has been long and uneven. Even the terms “deindustrial” and “postindustrial” are contested; most cities continue to host manufacturing on some scale. After World War II, however, cities that depended on manufacturing for their lifeblood increasingly diversified their economies in the face of larger global, political, and demographic transformations. Manufacturing centers in New England, the Mid Atlantic, and the Midwest United States were soon identified as belonging to “the American Rust Belt.” Steel manufacturers, automakers, and other industrial behemoths that were once mainstays of city life closed their doors as factories and workers followed economic and social incentives to leave urban cores for the suburbs, the South, or foreign countries. Remaining industrial production became increasingly automated, resulting in significant declines in the number of factory jobs. Metropolitan officials faced with declining populations and tax bases responded by adapting their assets—in terms of workforce, location, or culture—to new economies, including warehousing and distribution, finance, health care, tourism, leisure industries like casinos, and privatized enterprises such as prisons. Faced with declining federal funding for renewal, they focused on leveraging private investment for redevelopment. Deindustrializing cities marketed themselves as destinations with convention centers, stadiums, and festival marketplaces, seeking to lure visitors and a “creative class” of new residents. While some postindustrial cities became success stories of reinvention, others struggled. They entertained options to “rightsize” by shrinking their municipal footprints, adapted vacant lots for urban agriculture, or attracted voyeurs to gaze at their industrial ruins. Whether industrial cities faced a slow transformation or the shock of multiple factory closures within a few years, the impact of these economic shifts and urban planning interventions both amplified old inequalities and created new ones.


2007 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Mohaupt ◽  
G. Crosnier ◽  
R. Todd ◽  
P. Petersen ◽  
T. Dworak

Within the “WFD and agriculture activity” both communities agreed to co-operate during implementation of the Water Framework Directive (WFD) and further development of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) at EU, Commission and the Member States levels. In intensive discussions including two congresses and biannual working group meetings, seven information reports were produced. Rural Development programmes are unanimously considered to be very powerful instrument to support WFD implementation. However, limited budgets, combined with the large extent of agricultural pressures will considerably restrain the results this instrument might deliver. Limited effects are also expected from the cross-compliance standards, mainly because: the standards do not cover all WFD aspects, and the existing legislation is not implemented with the same rigour in all the Member States. WFD provides additional powerful tools (River Basin Management Planning and Water Pricing discussion) to improve the situation, but the timetables of WFD and CAP do not fit each other. The activity should be continued with an intensive discussion on case and success stories in all the mentioned tools informing both policy areas for the planned evaluation of cross-compliance in 2007, and a mid-term evaluation on rural development in 2009.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 549-550
Author(s):  
Jan-Werner Mueller

In the wake of the Revolutions of 1989, Hungary was long considered one of the “success stories” of post-communist transition to liberal democracy. Yet in recent years the Hungarian government, under the leadership of Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has pioneered a new conception of “illiberal democracy.” In a July 2014 speech, Orban indeed declared that “the era of liberal democracies is over.” Similar declarations can be heard in other parts of post-communist Eastern Europe. The Hungarian Patient: Social Opposition to an Illiberal Democracy, is a collection of essays by Hungarian social scientists and intellectuals reflecting on both the sources of this emergent illiberalism and the sources of opposition to it. Because it is important for American political scientists to understand the way their colleagues in other parts of the world reflect on the challenges of democracy, and because the Hungarian situation is significant for the future of Europe and the EU, we have invited a wide range of scholars to comment on the book and on its topic—the significance of the emergence of “illiberal democracy” in Hungary and in Europe.


2012 ◽  
pp. 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Γεώργιος Πετράκος

This paper presents a critical account of the process of integration and its implications for the future of European Union. It analyses the type, strength and direction of trade and factor fl ows a mong places and the emerging geography of development in Europe. It argues that integration is not a space neutral process, as its main drivers are characterized by spatial selectivity and diverging performances, generating an overall unfavorable environment for laggingbehind regions in the EU. The paper also discusses the current regional policy dilemmas in the EU, arguing that top-down uniformity in policy choices and a strict framework of policy directives should be avoided, as different places may have to choose a different mix of regional policy that will correspond better to their needs. The paper also examines why the persistently underperforming regions in Europe cannot learn and benefi t from best-case examples and the success stories of other regions. Although factors affecting economic potential are usually different in advanced and less advanced regions, cohesion policies attempt to solve the underdevelopment problems of the lagging regions, only informed by the experience of the successful ones. The paper concludes that regional policy has to change in important ways. The new territorial approach requires policy to become more fl exible and more adaptive to local and regional needs. This means that uniformity in policy priorities and mix should be avoided and the proposed ‘pan-European approach’ should leave enough room for bottom up and place based approaches, as the experience shows that no single path or an a priori mix of policy tools exists for every place.


F1000Research ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 334
Author(s):  
Gabriel G. Martins ◽  
Fabrice P. Cordelières ◽  
Julien Colombelli ◽  
Rocco D’Antuono ◽  
Ofra Golani ◽  
...  

NEUBIAS, the European Network of Bioimage Analysts, was created in 2016 with the goal of improving the communication and the knowledge transfer among the various stakeholders involved in the acquisition, processing and analysis of biological image data, and to promote the establishment and recognition of the profession of Bioimage Analyst. One of the most successful initiatives of the NEUBIAS programme was its series of 15 training schools, which trained over 400 new Bioimage Analysts, coming from over 40 countries. Here we outline the rationale behind the innovative three-level program of the schools, the curriculum, the trainer recruitment and turnover strategy, the outcomes for the community and the career path of analysts, including some success stories. We discuss the future of the materials created during this programme and some of the new initiatives emanating from the community of NEUBIAS-trained analysts, such as the NEUBIAS Academy. Overall, we elaborate on how this training programme played a key role in collectively leveraging Bioimaging and Life Science research by bringing the latest innovations into structured, frequent and intensive training activities, and on why we believe this should become a model to further develop in Life Sciences.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-38
Author(s):  
Béla Galgóczi

The Eastern EU enlargement (2004, 2007, 2013) is still one of the success stories of the EU (and unprecedented in the world), but at the same time it is controversial and is perceived as controversial. One of the core problems has been its unbalanced character: the whole process had a clear `Single Market` focus and the values of a `Social Europe` were of secondary importance. Based on a neofunctionalist approach the paper discusses the integration of the new member states from the point of view of economic and income convergence. Along with a literature review, data on wages, productivity and output will be analysed to demonstrate that upward convergence of the poorer new member states towards the EU average had been stalled in wake of the 2009 crisis. The resulting cleavages put the core hypothesis of the neofunctionalist approach - that EU integration has a `direction` in terms of an upwards convergence - into question.


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