scholarly journals Voices for egalitarian society

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Nala ◽  
S. Ravichandran

Periyar E. V. Ramasami Naicker is a social reformer far ahead of his times in Tamil Nadu. He wanted men and women to live with dignity and have equal opportunity to develop their faculties. To secure this, he was against all types of discrimination and advocated social justice and a rational outlook. His voices are echoed for an egalitarian and casteless society where equality of status of all the people including women is ensured. Dravidians are inspired by him, and they emulate his courage, which came not from bravery but from a deep commitment to Self-Respect, which gained Periyar the world’s adulation.

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 583-589
Author(s):  
Sanjeev Kumar Bragta

Baba Sahib Bhim Rao Ambedkar views on social justice are the very basis of the Indian Constitution. The social justice means providing equal social opportunities to everyone to develop their personalities, associated with equality and social rights. In every state it becomes important to secure a social order based on justice and creating an equal opportunity available to everyone. Mostly, the people are being treated with discrimination in size, color, caste, religion, race in the society because of they are mostly uneducated and from marginalized sections of the society that creates a social disorder and inequality among them. Hence, the need of the social justice is an inevitable and is the only weapon to prosper the people towards their active participation in the development and mainstream of the society. However, it becomes important to establish an egalitarian social, economic and political order in diverse society like India. It’s in this backdrop the article tries to explore the concept of social justice and Ambedkar view on it. How far Ambedkar’s reflection is visible in Indian Constitution and its relevance in the present times.


Author(s):  
Dr. R. G. Chidananda

The Parliament of India is the supreme legislative authority in the country and it is bicameral. It is divided into two houses – the Rajya Sabha, which is the Council of States, and the Lok Sabha, which is the House of the People. The Lok Sabha can be dissolved. In Rajya Sabha, 238 members are elected by the State and 12 members are nominated by the President for their contribution in the fields of art, literature, science and social services. The citizens of India directly elect the 543 members exercising the universal adult franchise. All the Indian citizens, who are aged 18 years and above, irrespective of their gender, caste, religion or race, are eligible to vote to elect their representatives to the Parliament. BASAVESHVARA established ANUBHAVA MANTAPA, a seat for intellectual discourses and provided equal opportunity to learn to all persons. It was a laboratory of Basaveshvara own preaching’s. He was the protagonist of equality and therefore the Anubhava Mantapa was open to all without distinctions of old and young, rich and poor, men and women, high and low, king and servants. It is a well-known fact that for centuries before Basaveshvara’s movement and also even during his period, there had been unimaginable wastage of talent because of the caste system. Basaveshvara pleaded for suitable opportunities to be provided for all the citizens for the fullest development of their personality. Learning had been the monopoly of a few privileged people only and a large section of the society was deprived of such a facility and it led to exploitation of the under-privileged by a few privileged ones. Basaveshvara revolted against such a system and proclaimed that knowledge is not the monopoly of a few people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (6) ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
T. Muthupandian ◽  
A. Sabarirajan ◽  
B. Arun ◽  
P.S. Venkateswaran ◽  
S. Manaimaran

This paper is having a major objective of finding out the service gap in hospital industry – A patient centric analysis in Coimbatore District. In the 21st century, Health conscious is very high among the people in Tamil Nadu. Before fifty years, people have limited level of hospitals and other allied health services. But today, increases of public, private, corporate and municipal hospitals providing quality services. Hence patients are expecting high quality services from the service providers. The study reveals that services provided in the hospitals have a positive and strong effect on the satisfaction of the inpatients. But reliability is the factor the hospital administrations have to consider.


Author(s):  
Ramón J. Guerra

This chapter examines the development of Latino literature in the United States during the time when realism emerged as a dominant aesthetic representation. Beginning with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) and including the migrations resulting from the Spanish-American War (1898) and the Mexican Revolution (1910), Latinos in the United States began to realistically craft an identity served by a sense of displacement. Latinos living in the United States as a result of migration or exile were concerned with similar issues, including but not limited to their predominant status as working-class, loss of homeland and culture, social justice, and racial/ethnic profiling or discrimination. The literature produced during the latter part of the nineteenth century by some Latinos began to merge the influence of romantic style with a more socially conscious manner to reproduce the lives of ordinary men and women, draw out the specifics of their existence, characterize their dialects, and connect larger issues to the concerns of the common man, among other realist techniques.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 314-337
Author(s):  
Amit Ranjan

Language is an inherent part of an individual’s identity. Any attempt to subjugate that identity is vehemently resisted by the people. In India, Hindi is not only seen as a language per se but also linked with North Indian Hindus. In the past, the introduction and imposition of Hindi in non-Hindi-speaking states, mainly Tamil Nadu, had faced strong opposition. Since the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the Hindu Nationalist Party—Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP)—elected to power in May 2014, the union government has taken measures to what it calls promoting the use of the Hindi language in India. These measures have been strongly resisted in the non-Hindi-speaking states of the country. This article looks at the debates between Hindi and non-Hindi speakers since the years of the anti-colonial movement in India. It examines the character of the movement to promote Hindi and the resistance against the Hindi movements in India. This article also discusses the demands for language-based states in India. In this paper, the author argues that in the non-Hindi-speaking states, Hindi is mainly looked at as a means to subsume and suppress the native’s identity. To protect their linguistic identity, which is inextricably intertwined with other identities, people in non-Hindi-speaking areas have protested in past and also resist such attempts in present.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Dorota Szelewa

This article analyses two cases of populist mobilisation – namely, one against a primary school entry-age reform and another against WHO sexuality education and the concept of gender – that took place in Poland between 2008 and 2019. Both campaigns had a populist character and were oriented towards restoring social justice taken away from ‘the people’ by a morally corrupted ‘elite’. There are differences between the cases that can be analytically delineated by assessing whether a religious mobilisation has an overt or a covert character. While the series of protests against the school-age reform represents a case of mobilisation with covert religious symbolism, the campaigns against sexuality education and the use of the concept of gender are characterised by overt religious populism. To characterise the dynamics of the two campaigns, the study uses the concept of a moral panic, emphasising the importance of moral entrepreneurs waging ideological war against the government and/or liberal experts conceived of as ‘folk devils’.


1990 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 327-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill Bravman

In September 1987, early in my research at the Kenya National Archives, I came across a collection of photographs taken by a British missionary during the 1920s and early 1930s. The collection contained nearly 250 photos of the terrain and people of Kenya's Taita Hills, where I would soon be going for my fieldwork. I pored over the photo collection for a long time, and had reproductions made of twenty-five shots. The names of those pictured had been recorded in the photo album's captions. Many of the names were new to me, though a few WaTaita of the day who had figured prominently in the archival records were also captured on film. When I moved on to Taita in early 1988,1 took the photographs with me. Since I would be interviewing men and women old enough either to remember or be contemporaries of the people in the pictures, I planned to show the photos during the interviews. At first I was simply curious about who some of the people pictured were, but my curiosity quickly evolved into a more ambitious plan. I decided to try using the photographs as visual prompts to get people to speak more expansively than they otherwise might about their lives and their experiences.In the event, I learned that using the photographs in interviews involved many more complexities than I had envisaged in my initial enthusiasm. I found that I had to alter the expectations and techniques I took to Taita, and feel out some of the limitations of working with the photographic medium. I had to recognize the power relations embedded in my presence as a researcher in Taita, in my position as bearer of images from peoples' pasts, and in the photos themselves. I found, too, that I needed to come to grips with a number of issues about the politics of image production, and the historical product of those politics: the bounded, selected images that are photographs. Finally, I had to address some of my own cultural assumptions about photography and how people respond to pictures, assumptions that my informants did not necessarily share.


1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 697-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara L. Hunt

The licentious career of Caroline of Brunswick, the most notorious queen in modern British history, was only exceeded by that of her husband, George IV, and the scandal that emerged when he attempted to obtain a divorce inspired one of the most unusual episodes of nineteenth-century British history. For six months the attention of the country was focused on the queen's trial; massive demonstrations in her support were familiar sights in London streets and news of the matter dominated the columns of the press. The popular outpouring of support for the queen often took the form of reviling the king and his ministers, and revolution seemed to be in the air, yet because no lasting political change resulted from this tumult, historians have tended to dismiss the affair as relatively unimportant. However, to view this interlude primarily in terms of party politics is to overlook the fact that the majority of the people who formed the massive crowds that so alarmed the government were neither radicals nor reformers, and many, if not most of them were unenfranchised. In order to better understand the implications of this unrest, it is important to identify those factors that inspired British men and women to openly denigrate their ruler and to heap opprobrium on the members of government in defense of a woman who, ironically, many believed to be guilty as charged. Such an examination makes it clear that this was an event of profound cultural significance and was in some respects the first wide-spread popular expression of the moral standards that have come to be labelled “Victorian.”Any attempt to judge “public opinion” is fraught with difficulty. Most of the surviving journals, memoirs, and collections of letters from this period were written by members of the gentry and aristocracy; most of the middle and working-class people who actively demonstrated in support of the queen or who signed the numerous addresses sent to her have tended to remain silent and anonymous. Newspaper and other written accounts of the affair were often extremely partisan, for British society was sharply divided on this issue. Political caricatures, however, overcome some of these difficulties.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (03) ◽  
pp. 35-46
Author(s):  
Gulshan Bhatt ◽  
S. Rajalakshmi

This study has done to find the minimum needs to the people of Bogalur block, Ramanathpuram district of Tamil Nadu. Needs assessment is a process for determining an organizations needs. It usually consists of three main parts:Initiation, Data Collection & Analysis and Final Production.A needs assessment can be implemented within the organization and within the community to categorize an arising need. Any training needs assessment depends on the condition& situation of the place to implement. This research helps to understand the problem faced by the people and what kind of need they have. The methodology used for this study iscollection of secondary data, collection of primary data through PRAs and personal interview. And After identifying the need of poor community people, a plan has been developed for the block along with community participation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. p424
Author(s):  
Shiw Balak Prasad

In a democratic form of Government all citizens of the country are equal before the law of land. There is no scope of differences in any stage of life between them. Although natural discrimination may be possible, but politically and legally all should be equal. Discrimination on one or more of these factors became normal feathers particular in the third world countries of Africa and Asia. Really this social discrimination reflects in political rights and economic opportunities of the people so that the question of social justice became very important.In India, there has been so many social, economic and educational discrimination among the people from the very beginning. Weaker sections of the people have been deprived their rights. They are living like animal even today. So, Framers of the constitution of India include the provisions of reservation in the constitution of some posts of Government services to Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes for their upliftment. Actually, these reservation policies were implemented for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes only at the time of implementation of the constitution. After very long time, the then prime minister Late V.P. Singh had implemented 27 percent reservation to other backward classes for gaining of Social Justice. But due to conspiracy and the upper castes the conditions of reamy layer were imposed by the supreme court of India. Thus this paper will disclose all secrets in this countex.


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