Beeldvorming van het politieke bedrijf via de openbare omroep : Inhoudsanalyse van de politieke verslaggeving in het BRTn-televisie journaal in de periode 1982-1991

Res Publica ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-182
Author(s):  
Peter Goyvaerts

The image-building of the political system through the public broadcasting corporation BRTn is analysed on the base of a content analysis of the political information in the television news during the period 1982-1991. The study shows that political coverage in the public television news is subject to actualisation, fragmentation, personifying, dramatisation and the introduction of entertainment-techniques. Political items are transferred to the back of the newsbroadcast and there is less room for interpretation of the facts. Journalists point out that the attention for politics has diminished because the audience is less interested.  However it is very likely that this is the result of the fact that the audience is uniformed because of the lack of information. In that way we enter a vicious circle that can only be broken through the media themselves. In order to achieve this, television shoud bring more interpretation and explanation of the facts.  A parliamentary feature, incorporated in a current alfairs programme could attribute to this, but can do no miracles when commercial tendencies become stronger in the news itself.

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 1641-1656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Volkmann

It is a long-established commonplace in any debate on immigration that immigrants should integrate into their receiving society. But integrate into what precisely? Into the labor market, into the legal order, into the political system, into a national culture whatever this might comprise? The Article tries to approach the question from the legal point of view and looks for hints or clues in the constitution which might help us with the answer. For this purpose, it explores the general theory of the constitution as it has been shaped by its professional interpreters as well as by political actors, the media and the public. The main intuition is that “constitution” is not only a written document, a text with a predefined, though maybe hidden meaning; instead, it is a social practice evolving over time and thereby reflecting the shared convictions of a political community of what is just and right. Talking about constitutional expectations toward immigrants then also tells us something about ourselves: about who we are and what kind of community we want to live in. As it turns out, we may not have a very clear idea of that.


MEDIAKITA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulfi Nurfaiza

TVRI (Televisi Republik Indonesia) seeks to provide wise information for the public. However, because in the current era of the rapid rise of the media industry, it is very important that the TVRI Public Broadcasting Institution re-emerges before the public with a new identity as a counterweight and newshighlight that is able to voice community rights and promote cultural values and local wisdom. In rebranding, there are a number of things carried out by LPP TVRI namely implementing the Power Marketing mindset, which lies in 3 keys, first moving is done before TVRI rebranding can be passed from Kepsta, starting to form a small team for rebranding preparation. Second, Caring (caring) byinvolving every community and having innovation in developing companies such as the emergence of a new program ‘’ Good Morning East Java ‘’ which has the aim to greet residents and serve the East Java people. Third, Innovation is an effort of LPP TVRI to produce new products and innovations to move forward with the aim of being an institution that has a vision and mission for unifying the nation. This can be seen in the change in the new logo, color and organizational culture. In the perspective of the Islamic Media Industry, Islam is a religion that strongly advocates for creating brotherhood and unity of various differences. TVRI as public television also implements as its slogan the unifying media of the nation, naturally responsible as a media that is able to disseminate interestinginformation with the aim of being a media that is able to serve the public so as to create brotherhood.Keywords: Rebranding; Logo; Islamic Media Industry


2016 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 245-265
Author(s):  
Sara Pereira ◽  
Jairo Faria ◽  
Clarisse Pessôa

Is Media Literacy a dimension of the Public Service of the Media? Does public service television, in Portugal and in Brazil, contemplate Media Education in their policies and grids? Taking these questions as a departure and debating point, we have used sixteen editions of the ombudsman programmes of the public broadcasting companies of Brazil (Empresa Brasil de Comunicação – EBC) and Portugal (Rádio e Televisão de Portugal – RTP) as analysis corpus. In order to examine O Público na TV (The Public on TV) from EBC and A Voz do Cidadão (The Citizen’s Voice) from RTP, we have used a set of analysis categories which will allow, among other aspects, to understand the contribution of these programmes to the promotion of Media Literacy of the societies where they are broadcast and of the public they will reach. Generally speaking, the results show that, by developing a role of mediation with the public/audiences, the Ombudsman plays an important role as a Literacy Agent for the Media towards those audiences, even though that role could be reinforced and could express, in a more direct and clear form, the objective of Media Literacy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
C Rinaldi ◽  
M P M Bekker

Abstract Background The political system is an important influencing factor for population health but is often neglected in the public health literature. This scoping review uses insights from political science to explore the possible public health consequences of the rise of populist radical right (PRR) parties in Europe, with welfare state policy as a proxy. The aim is to generate hypotheses about the relationship between the PRR, political systems and public health. Methods A literature search on PubMed, ScienceDirect and Google Scholar resulted in 110 original research articles addressing 1) the relationship between the political system and welfare state policy/population health outcomes or 2) the relationship between PRR parties and welfare state policy/population health outcomes in Europe. Results The influence of political parties on population health seems to be mediated by welfare state policies. Early symptoms point towards possible negative effects of the PRR on public health, by taking a welfare chauvinist position. Despite limited literature, there are preliminary indications that the effect of PRR parties on health and welfare policy depends on vote-seeking or office-seeking strategies and may be mediated by the political system in which they act. Compromises with coalition partners, electoral institutions and the type of healthcare system can either restrain or exacerbate the effects of the PRR policy agenda. EU laws and regulations can to some extent restrict the nativist policy agenda of PRR parties. Conclusions The relationship between the PRR and welfare state policy seems to be mediated by the political system, meaning that the public health consequences will differ by country. Considering the increased popularity of populist parties in Europe and the possibly harmful consequences for public health, there is a need for further research on the link between the PRR and public health.


1995 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Neri Serneri

The de-legitimisation of the Italian political system that culminated in the upheavals of the late 1980s has permitted a very public re-examination of the meaning and significance of both the Fascist regime and the Resistance to it. Although debates between historians had already begun over these issues, they have been thrust into the media spotlight now that the political consensus surrounding their interpretation has collapsed. The following two articles examine both the content and conduct of these debates, and consider the extent to which they have contributed to a reassessment of the history of these periods. Naturally the opinions expressed in these articles are solely those of the authors themselves: Contemporary European History would welcome further comments and contributions concerning this rethinking of the contemporary Italian experience.


Author(s):  
Rocío Zamora ◽  
Juan Antonio Marín Albadalejo

Resumen Lo que algunos ya llaman una cultura política del escándalo (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) ha supuesto el reconocimiento del poder de los medios en la construcción simbólica del escándalo, a partir del énfasis en ciertos marcos interpretativos con los que se narran las conductas que condicionan la percepción pública de los escándalos políticos. Este trabajo se centra en la representación simbólica de los escándalos de corrupción política. El análisis de la cobertura periodística sobre un caso de gran actualidad en Murcia, el ‘caso Umbra’, demuestra que, además de por el relato político-técnico, legal y moral, los escándalos de corrupción política pueden ser también enmarcados desde el enfoque reputacional, es decir, a partir de preocupación por el deterioro de la imagen que la proliferación de escándalos de corrupción política ofrece sobre un territorio concreto y  sus instituciones.Palabras clave Escándalo político, corrupción política, framing, cultura política, poder político.AbstractWe live in, as some scholars called, a scandal political culture (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) that has supposed the recognition of the media power in the symbolic construction of scandals, where the emphasis in certain interpretive frames with which behaviours are narrated determine public perceptions of the political scandals. This article focuses on the symbolic representation of political corruption scandals. The analysis of the media coverage on this great current importance case in Murcia, called the ‘Umbra’ case, demonstrates that, besides the political- technical, legal and moral, the political corruption, scandals can be framed also from the reputation approach, that is to say, from the worried deterioration on the public image that political corruption scandals proliferation supposes on a concrete territory and his institutions.Keywords Political scandal, political corruption, framing, political culture, political power.


Author(s):  
POLLY LOW

This chapter discusses one of the best-known instances of classical commemoration: the public funeral and collective burial and commemoration of the Athenian war dead. Its particular aim is to explore the various contexts in which Athenian practice might be understood. How do these monuments fit into the wider picture of Athenian burial and commemoration, in terms of both form and physical location? How do they relate to the political system and ideology of the city that created them? And how might these contexts shape the way in which the monuments were used and understood by contemporary and later viewers?


Author(s):  
Eleonora Benecchi ◽  
Vincenzo De Masi

According to a survey by Goo Research (April 2011), the average Japanese person appears to have relied primarily on television news for gathering information in times of disaster, and as unlike a lot of overseas media, the public broadcaster NHK’s news broadcasts were defined as very calm and measured. This chapter focuses on the NHK coverage of the earthquake and nuclear crisis in March 2011 compared with private channels’ and specific websites’ coverage with regard to specific events. The aim is to enlighten the ways and the tools through which Japanese Public Television played a double role: on one side it became a primary source of information for hard news and played a “service” role for the population in need; on the other side and with special regard to the coverage of the nuclear crisis, the duty to inform was balanced by the duty to reassure the public and promote harmony so that NHK privileged government and corporate statements about the Fukushima situation. The authors corroborate their study through an analysis of NHK’s programming and private channels’ changing schedules and advertising during the recent disaster. This chapter provides a concrete example of the potential television role in disaster mitigation, taking into account both the positive and critical aspects.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-519
Author(s):  
Pascal D. König ◽  
Markus B. Siewert

Why don’t citizens give governments credit when they deliver on electoral pledges? This article develops an original analytical framework that addresses this important but under-researched question. It focuses on the concept of ‘credit claiming’, which is the opposite of ‘blame shifting’, and draws together existing research to identify a number of significant hurdles that governments must overcome in order to gain recognition for achievements. It highlights the challenges which policymakers face in communicating with citizens in an increasingly mediatised public sphere, and the extent to which their credit claiming efforts rely on the media as a ‘transmission belt’. It concludes that in liberal democracies governments are fighting an uphill battle to gain citizens’ support and secure trust in broader democratic institutions and the political system as a whole.


2002 ◽  
Vol 103 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan McKee

This paper argues that much writing about media and citizenship tends to rely on a set of realist or structuralist assumptions about what constitutes a state, a citizen and politics. Because of these assumptions, other forms of social organisation that could reasonably be described as nations, and other forms of social engagement that could be called citizenship are excluded from consideration. One effect of this blindness is that certain identities, and the cultural formations associated with them, continue to be overvalued as more real and important than others. Areas of culture that are traditionally while, masculine, middle-class and heterosexual remain central in debates, while the political processes of citizens of, for example, a Queer nation, continue to be either ignored or devalued as being somehow trivial, unimportant or less real. The paper demonstrates that this need not be the case — that the language of nation and citizenship can reasonably be expanded to include these other forms of social organisation, and that when such a conceptual move is made, we can find ways of describing contemporary culture that attempt to understand the public-sphere functions of the media without falling back into traditional prejudices against feminised, Queer, working class or non-white forms of culture.


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