Another Crack in the Mirror: The Politics of AIDS Prevention in Mexico

1993 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heactor Carrillo

Beginning in the mid-1980s, nongovernmental groups and the government in Mexico launched efforts to combat AIDS by addressing the population openly and directly. The content and tone of AIDS prevention messages in Mexico have been strongly influenced by models developed in the United States, even when the social conditions of Mexico are strikingly different. However, the local organization of AIDS prevention efforts in Mexico has differed sharply from efforts in large U.S. cities in terms of the distribution of funds and the role played by civil society in the creation of programs. Based on the premise that social and political forces may strongly influence the success, or failure, of health education interventions, this article analyzes the emergence of AIDS prevention in the Mexican context. The epidemiological characteristics of AIDS in Mexico, the governmental response to the epidemic, the role of nongovernmental groups, the availability of funds, the opposition of the political right, and the adoption of models imported from the United States are all considered to be important factors that shape current efforts. The article highlights possible directions for future development of AIDS prevention in Mexico.

Author(s):  
Towhidur Rahman ◽  
Mahmuda Kulsum Moni ◽  
Md. Samaun Khalid3 ◽  
Farhana Begum ◽  
TamannaTabassum Khan ◽  
...  

Dowry is a despicable affliction in society. The social evil has become a barrier for women in everysphere of life. The culture of dowry can be found not only in sub-continent but also in Europe, China,The United States, and also in African countries. A Dowry means the transfer of property by the brideor her family to the groom as an arrangement of marriage. When a bride or her family pays money orany other movable or immovable property, it is called dowry, which is also known as the bride pricein the sub-continent. Though the dowry is most common in the rural area, it cannot be said that it isabsent in cities. Instead, it is used as a disguise of gifts in women's marriage where the parents of themarriageable woman are bound to give dowry as a gift to the groom. This anathematization of dowryis increasing day by day in society. Social problems like child marriage, physical and mental abuse tothe women, divorce and even killing of women are the consequences of dowry. The government ofBangladesh has taken significant steps to eradicate this practice. The punishment for dowry-relatedcrimes is severe, which has been amalgamated in the Dowry Prohibition Act, 1980. The mostimportant step is to create consciousness among people, especially in the rural areas, to stop thepractice of dowry from the society. This study will help the practice and people of the society to goforward to abate the dowry practice.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 188-194
Author(s):  
Pavel Nikolaevich Mukhataev

This paper presents an attempt to analyze the interrelation between American domestic policy and the Social Darwinist ideology at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. Soviet and Russian historiography presents a deep analysis of socio-economic and political processes in that period in terms of criticism of liberal ideology and market economics. Significant social stratification was explained by insufficiently developed socially directed normative base, illegal interaction between representatives of large business and politicians, the purpose of which was personal enrichment, etc. In general, the economic and political system of the United States in the late XIX - early XX centuries was criticized from Russian scientists. In Soviet literature the conclusion was made about the insolvency of bourgeois ideology, with elements of criticism of Social Darwinism as a minor component of this ideology. American historiography considers the subject of our study more wholly. Foreign historiography, basically, analyzes the connection of American domestic policy with the activities of financial magnates, who were becoming a new serious power in American politics. This paper attempts to explain the connection between the American domestic policy and the Social Darwinist discourse, which was an undoubted part of the intellectual and daily life of citizens in that historical period. The author points to the significant influence of the Social Darwinist ideology in the adoption of key inner-political decisions by the government of the United States.


Author(s):  
Dilip Hiro

Having overthrown the pro-Washington Shah, Khomeini set out to purge the Iranian state and society of American influence. He was aided by the surprise occupation of the United States Embassy in Tehran in November 1979 by militant students. The capture of secret CIA reports on the Middle East by the Iranian occupiers gave credibility to the regime’s description of the Embassy as a “nest of spies,” and created a rationale for taking 52 US diplomats as hostage. The crisis lasted 444 days and ended with Ronald Reagan’s inauguration as president in January 1981 after his defeat of the incumbent Jimmy Carter, a Democrat. Quite independently, Saudi King Khalid faced an unprecedented challenge to the legitimacy of the House of Saud when on the eve of .the Islamic New Year of 1400 – 20 November 1979 – hundreds of armed militant Wahhabis, led by Juheiman al Utaiba seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca. Utaiba called for the overthrow of the royal family for deviating from Wahhabism. Aided by the American and French intelligence agencies and Pakistani soldiers, the government regained control of the Grand Mosque. It then took remedial action by imposing strict Wahhabi rules on the social-cultural life of citizens.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-122
Author(s):  
Galina Zelenina ◽  

The paper discusses a number of the most remarkable responses to the COVID‑19 pandemic and to the social isolation measures coming from several, mostly ultra‑Orthodox, Jewish communities in Israel, the United States, and Russia. It examines major elements of the crisis discourse, i.e., the hermeneutics of the causes and meanings of the pandemic; the affirmation of group borders and hierarchies as a result of the search for culprits; the relations between the religious community and the state; as well as the possible transformations of social behavior and ritual practices resulting from the crisis.


Author(s):  
Chris Naticchia

This chapter will examine the extent (if any) to which sovereign power and executive authority may be justifiably exercised through secret laws. Generally speaking, social contract views reject such secrecy—insisting instead that laws must be public. In opposition to this apparent view of the social contract tradition, we have recent developments in the United States. These developments go beyond mere government attempts to classify information or to bar disclosure of intelligence-gathering methods or capabilities. They also include maintaining secrecy in the law through which the government exercises the authority it claims. For example, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court issues classified rulings, creating a body of secret law that determines, by implication, which surveillance activities are consistent, and which inconsistent, with the Fourth Amendment’s protection against unreasonable searches without a particularized warrant based on probable cause. This chapter will argue that the social contract tradition itself may contain resources for defending these sorts of actions. It will explore whether paternalistic principles, whose scope is determined through contractarian reasoning, might be able to account for some government secrecy that extends beyond classifying information and protecting intelligence methods and capabilities to maintaining secrecy in some governing laws themselves. The question would be whether such limited paternalism—limited to cases involving “infirmities” of our reason or will—may be justifiably expanded to cover cases where those infirmities are absent, but where typical citizens may simply be “squeamish” about the judgments that certain executive decisions require.


Urban History ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 75-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Bales

The place of Charles Booth's London poverty survey within an empirical tradition of sociology has been much discussed in recent years. The pivotal position which Booth had in this tradition was highlighted by Philip Abrams especially. Booth's achievement, it has been claimed, was to illuminate the structural underpinnings of poverty rather than just its extent. In doing so he not only challenged the assumptions of political economy but brought new life to the tradition of house-to-house surveys and case-studies as practised by those involved in the statistical movement of the nineteenth century in Britain. Booth sought answers to narrowly denned social problems, seeking to generate new and superior data capable of bearing the questions. His was the habit of ‘ad hoc compartmentalised research’, from which one main line of development was the government enquiries of the Webb era and beyond. Another line of descent can be traced in the social survey movement centred in the United States, and through this Booth's influence spread to the Chicago school of urban sociologists. Despite this wideranging influence those who followed Booth's lead studied his own descriptions of his findings and methods, and rarely, if ever, looked behind the published volumes to the varied materials generated by the large-scale research project he masterminded. These materials represent a rich and varied source of data which have so far been relatively little used by historians, and then mainly in a minor illustrative way.


Author(s):  
A. El’yanov

The author deals with the lessons of the period of the so-called catch-up development in the United States of America (XVIII – the beginning of XX century). The overall thrust of the social and economic progress of this relatively young nation was then determined by the aspiration to adopt technological, organizational and managerial achievements of more advanced economies of the Old World. The author stresses that without resorting to this period of the American history it is difficult to understand the reasons for the extraordinary economic and social take-off of the USA. The author examines the origins of the industrial recovery, the role of the government and the main directions of development policies at that stage. A conclusion is made that the United States succeeded in prudently managing the nation’s resources and the available incomes. By ensuring favorable conditions for life and business procedures the government greatly facilitated the creative forces and rapid economic progress.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


2007 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
L. Lee

Dr. C.K. Clarke (1857-1924) was one of Canada’s most prominent psychiatrists. He sought to improve the conditions of asylums, helped to legitimize psychiatry and established formal training for nurses. At the beginning of the 20th Century, Canada experienced a surge of immigration. Yet – as many historians have shown – a widespread anti-foreigner sentiment within the public remained. Along with many other members of the fledgling eugenics movement, Clarke believed that the proportion of “mental defectives” was higher in the immigrant population than in the Canadian population and campaigned to restrict immigration. He appealed to the government to track immigrants and deport them once they showed signs of mental illness. Clarke’s efforts lead to amendments to the Immigration Act in 1919, which authorized deportation of people who were not Canadian-born, regardless of how many years that had been in Canada. This change applied not only to the mentally ill but also to those who could no longer work due to injury and to those who did not follow social norms. Clarke is a fascinating example of how we judge historical figures. He lived in a time where what we now think of as xenophobia was a socially acceptable, even worthy attitude. As a leader in eugenics, therefore, he was a progressive. Other biographers have recognized Clarke’s racist opinions, some of whom justify them as keeping with the social values of his era. In further exploring Clarke’s interest in these issues, this paper relies on his personal scrapbooks held in the CAMH archives. These documents contain personal papers, poems and stories that proclaim his anti-Semitic and anti-foreigner views. Whether we allow his involvement in the eugenics movement to overshadow his accomplishments or ignore his racist leanings to celebrate his memory is the subject of ongoing debate. Dowbiggin IR. Keeping America Sane: Psychiatry and Eugenics in the United States and Canada 1880-1940. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1997. McLaren A. Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada 1885-1945. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1990. Roberts B. Whence They Came: Deportation from Canada 1900-1935. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1988.


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