scholarly journals Sacked and Cursed? New data on the transition from the city-state to the Hittite capital Hattuša

Author(s):  
Néhémie Strupler

When: Karum Period: First centuries of the 2nd millennium B.C. when Assyrian and Anatolian merchants took part in large-scale commercial exchanges between Aššur and central Anatolia. Most of the epigraphic finds come  from the 19th century BC, and the 18th century is less known. We don’t know how the commercial exchanges came to an end. Until the establishment of the administration at the Hittite capital Hattuša/Boğazköy (1650), there is a hiatus in the epigraphical records for more than a century. Who: Anitta, son of Pithana, an ambitious ruler who created one of the first Kingdom in Central Anatolian (modern Turkey) in the mid 18th century.Where: Boğazköy (modern name, in Central Anatolia) was a city called Ḫattuš and was an exchange place in the Anatolian Network of the Karum period. The site was selected as the capital of the Hittites around 1650 by Ḫattušili I, the first well attested Hittite King.

Author(s):  
Mark V. Barrow

The prospect of extinction, the complete loss of a species or other group of organisms, has long provoked strong responses. Until the turn of the 18th century, deeply held and widely shared beliefs about the order of nature led to a firm rejection of the possibility that species could entirely vanish. During the 19th century, however, resistance to the idea of extinction gave way to widespread acceptance following the discovery of the fossil remains of numerous previously unknown forms and direct experience with contemporary human-driven decline and the destruction of several species. In an effort to stem continued loss, at the turn of the 19th century, naturalists, conservationists, and sportsmen developed arguments for preventing extinction, created wildlife conservation organizations, lobbied for early protective laws and treaties, pushed for the first government-sponsored parks and refuges, and experimented with captive breeding. In the first half of the 20th century, scientists began systematically gathering more data about the problem through global inventories of endangered species and the first life-history and ecological studies of those species. The second half of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st centuries have been characterized both by accelerating threats to the world’s biota and greater attention to the problem of extinction. Powerful new laws, like the U.S. Endangered Species Act of 1973, have been enacted and numerous international agreements negotiated in an attempt to address the issue. Despite considerable effort, scientists remain fearful that the current rate of species loss is similar to that experienced during the five great mass extinction events identified in the fossil record, leading to declarations that the world is facing a biodiversity crisis. Responding to this crisis, often referred to as the sixth extinction, scientists have launched a new interdisciplinary, mission-oriented discipline, conservation biology, that seeks not just to understand but also to reverse biota loss. Scientists and conservationists have also developed controversial new approaches to the growing problem of extinction: rewilding, which involves establishing expansive core reserves that are connected with migratory corridors and that include populations of apex predators, and de-extinction, which uses genetic engineering techniques in a bid to resurrect lost species. Even with the development of new knowledge and new tools that seek to reverse large-scale species decline, a new and particularly imposing danger, climate change, looms on the horizon, threatening to undermine those efforts.


Rangifer ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lennart Lundmark

In the middle of the 16th century we get the first opportunity to a more detailed knowledge of reindeerpastoralism in Sweden. At that time the Sami lived in a hunter-gatherer economy. A family had in average about 10-20 domesticated reindeer, mainly used for transport. They could also be milked and used as decoys when hunting wild reindeer. During late 16th century the Swedish state and merchants bought large amounts of fur from the Sami. The common payment was butter and flour. This created a new prosperity, which lead to a considerable increase in population in Swedish Lapland. The population became too large for a hunter-gatherer economy. A crisis in early 17th century was the starting point for the transition to a large-scale nomadic reindeer pastoralism. Up to the middle of the 18th century intensive reindeer pastoralism was successful. But the pastoralism became gradually too intensive and diseases started to spread when the herds were kept too densely crowded for milking in summertime. During the first decades of the 19th century reindeer pastoralism in Sweden went through a major crisis. The number of reindeer herding mountain-Sami decreased considerably, mainly because they went to live permanently along the Norwegian coastline. Intensive reindeer pastoralism started to give way for extensive herding towards the end of the 19th century. In the north of Sweden influences from the Kautokeino Sami were an important factor, in the south extensive reindeer herding started to expand when the market for meat came closer to the Sami. During the 1920s the milking of reindeer ceased in Sweden, except in a few families. At that time Sami families from the north had been removed southwards. They further demonstrated the superiority of extensive herding to the Sami in mid- and southern Lapland. Reindeer pastoralism is basically a system of interaction between man and animal, but it has been heavily influenced by market forces and state intervention during hundreds of years. To a large extent these long-term external influences have made reindeer pastoralism what it is today. That aspect should not be overlooked when assessing the future prospects of reindeer pastoralism in Scandinavia.Renskötseln i Sverige 1550-1950Abstract in Swedish / Sammanfattning: Först vid mitten av 1500-talet finns det källmaterial som ger oss en tämligen detaljerad bild av renskötseln i Sverige. Vid den tiden levde samerna i en jakt- , fiske- och samlarekonomi. En familj hade normalt 10-20 renar som främst utnyttjades vid transporter. Tamrenarna kunde också mjölkas och fungera som lockdjur vid vildrensjakt. Under senare delen av 1500-talet köpte svenska staten och handelsmän stora mängder pälsverk av samerna. Den vanligaste betalningen var smör och mjöl. Detta skapade ett välstånd som ledde till en betydande folkökning i svenska lappmarken. Befolkningen blev för stor för att rymmas inom ramarna för en jaktochfiskeekonomi. En kris i början av 1600-talet blev startpunkten för övergången till en storskalig rennomadism.Fram till mitten av 1700-talet var den intensiva renskötseln framgångsrik. Men renskötseln blev efterhand alltför intensiv. Under senare delen av 1700-talet började det spridas sjukdomar i de tätt sammanhållna hjordarna. De första decennierna av 1800-talet innebar en allvarlig kris i renskötseln. Antalet renskötande fjällsamer minskade kraftigt, främst genom utvandring till norska kusten. Den intensiva renskötseln med mjölkning av renarna började ersättas av en extensiv renskötsel inriktad på köttproduktion de sista decennierna av 1800-talet. I norr var naturförhållandena och influenser från Kautokeino-samerna en viktig faktor, i söder utvecklades renskötseln i extensiv riktning främst därför att marknaden för renkött kom närmare renskötarna. Under 1920-talet upphörde mjölkningen av renar i Sverige, utom i några enstaka familjer. Då hade förflyttningarna av samer från nordligaste Sverige söderut påskyndat utvecklingen och ytterligare markerat den extensiva renskötselteknikensöverlägsenhet. Tamrenskötsel är ett samspel mellan människa och djur, men det är inte bara en fråga om renskötaren och hans hjord. Externa marknadsfaktorer, beskattning och lagstiftning har haft ett betydandeinflytande på renskötselns utveckling under hundratals år. De har till stor del format renskötseln till vad den är idag. Detta bör beaktas när man gör bedömningar av renskötselns framtid. 


Author(s):  
Kate Boehme

In India, as in much of the world, the 19th century witnessed the emergence of urban capitalist classes, effected by the rapid growth of global mercantile capitalism and, later, industrial manufacturing. As a colonial city, Bombay—like its eastern counterpart, Calcutta—developed two connected, but distinct business communities: one, a European community with foreign, imperial connections, and the other, an Indian community with roots in long-standing regional networks. In Bombay, the latter took the form of a class known as the “Merchant Princes,” who capitalized on long-standing commercial traditions in western India and their ability to command both Indian and colonial networks to establish themselves as commercial powerhouses. These commercial networks and patterns of behavior, established before the arrival of the British, had an indelible impact on the character of Indian business in colonial Bombay. The business community brought such traditions with them when they migrated to Bombay at the end of the 18th century and used them to build the famous mercantile firms of the early 19th century. The Indian business elite likewise built collaborative links within their own community to expand their business interests; when barriers erected by the colonial establishment sought to limit their expansion, Indian businessmen used the resources at their disposal (both in the Indian hinterland and within the city itself) to circumvent them. Class identity similarly began to emerge as they cooperatively campaigned for particular agendas, intended to improve the fortunes of the entire community. They fought for greater influence in the Bombay government—in line with the wealth they then commanded—and used their financial resources to mold the physical and intellectual landscape of the city in their favor.


Author(s):  
Wilson McLeod

This chapter gives a historical overview of Gaelic in Scotland, including an analysis of its spread to different parts of Scotland in the Middle Ages and the trajectory of demographic decline and language shift since the 18th century. Gaelic became the language of the first Scottish monarchy (the kingdom of Alba) and was widely spoken across Scotland, but then began to decline in the 12th century and became confined to the mountainous northwest of the country (the Highlands). The language became stigmatised as a language of barbarism and the Gaelic community was economically and socially marginalised. Traditional Gaelic society was shattered in the 18th century, with the repression following the Battle of Culloden (1746), followed by the Highland Clearances of the 19th century, which involved large-scale removal of population. Since the 18th century there has been steady language shift in the Highlands, now reaching the last Gaelic communities. The future of Gaelic as a community language has become very uncertain.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (6) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Natalia D. Melnik

Purpose. The purpose of this study is to examine the coverage in the Russian and foreign press the preparation and conduct of the first Russian season in Paris (then in Berlin) by S. P. Diaghilev in 1906, which became the beginning of implementation of large-scale activities of impresario in Western Europe, whose main objective was the promotion of almost unknown at the time for the Europeans the Russian art. Results. Quoting the correspondence of artists-friends of Diaghilev, memoirs of contemporaries, publications in the press, as well as modern research, allows the author to assert that the basis of this cultural project of the impresario was the exhibition “Two centuries of Russian painting and sculpture”, where he exhibited ancient Russian icons, works of Russian artists of the 18th century – the first half of the 19th century, as well as paintings by members of the art Association “World of Art” who were the representatives of Russian symbolism and modernism. Conclusion. The studied materials indicate that the success of the first Russian season set the stage for further cultural activities to acquaint Western Europe with a variety of achievements of Russian art and their success among critics and the public.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 288-293
Author(s):  
V. M. Rychka

Described in Primary Chronicle under 912 the story of the unusual circumstances of the death of Kyiv pagan prince Oleh the Prophetic is connected to Kyiv topographic realities, contemporary for chronist, in particular, to the toponym «Oleh Tomb», also known from other sources. According to this chronicle Oleh Tomb was placed on the hill Shchekovytsya but the exact localization of the latter is not provided. In the middle of the 19th century Kyiv people called Shchekovytsya the high hill rising over the Podil on the west side. In the works of the later Kyiv scholars this hill was unequivocally identified with Chronicle Shchekovytsya where they localized the grave of Oleh. This view was challenged by P. G. Lebedyntsev who suggested localizate the Oleh Tomb not on Shchekovytsya / Skavitsya but on the western slope of the Starokyivsky Plateau, on Kudryavka, opposite the Lybid’ River, near the Zhidovsky (Lviv) Gate of Medieval Kyiv. Basing on the analysis of Kyiv Chronicle information the scientist concluded that the toponym «Oleh Tomb» is separated from Shchekovytsya in the annals. The explanation of this contradiction in the chronicle was proposed by one of the best experts in the historical topography of Old Kyiv — M. I. Petrov. He suggested that under the name of Shchekovytsya one should consider not only the Podil hill but also all surrounding ravines and highlands. The Shchekovytsya ridge of mountains and hills stretched from the east to the southwest from the present Shchekovitsa hill to the edge of the present Lviv Square. The common for whole this territory name Shchekovytsya became gradually decay due to the large scale construction of the city in the 18th century and the appearance of proper names of new urban areas. The version of the death and burial of Oleh in Ladoga where one of the central and largest hills got the name «Oleh Tomb» is still popular in historiography, especially Russian. This mound was explored by archaeologists. The cremation burial was discovered under the barrow. It was dated to earlier (9th century) time than the date of Oleh death. Because of the impossibility of this «grave» to be burial place of the Prince of Kyiv, G. S. Lebedev has proposed to consider it the «Oleh Hill» — a «ritual seat» which had some public and religious functions. Despite the hypothetical nature of such interpretation the ghost of Oleh finds the visible features in Ladoga. At the end of the last century in Old Ladoga the stone was erected on that mound with a memorial plaque proclaiming this site of the 9th—10th centuries «The tomb of Prince Oleh the Prophetic». The story of the death of Kyiv pagan prince Oleh the Prophetic «due to horse» contained in the Primary Chronicle under 912 was compilled, apparently, on the base of some archaic mythological song or historical anecdote. It wins over not its factual authenticity but psychological one. However, there is no reason to doubt that Oleh died in Kyiv. The death of the prince, who was crowned with warrior glory, prompted his followers to muse about the choice of a place for the building of the great barrow over his grave. The slopes of the Lysa Gora (Yurkovytsia), where the pagan necropolis had already been laid near Oleh courtyard, probably seemed them to be cramped. This may have been the reason for choosing among the highlands, which rise above the Podil, the beautiful terrain of Kudryavka in the upper reaches of the Hlybochytsa river. The barrow built in the 10th century was probably quite large which explains the relatively long life of «Oleh Tomb» in the Kyiv toponimic.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ida Bagus Putu Prajna Yogi

The arrival of Chinese People on a large scale in the early 18th century in West Kalimantan due to the presence of a large gold potential in the area. Monterado is one of the gold mining landscape in West Kalimantan. This cultural landscape shows the activity of big mining and technology owned by the Chinese miners. In addition to the ability to mine, it turns out the Chinese also formed an organization called "kongsi" to support the mining activities. Settlements and cities that grew as a result of gold mining Monterado appear in coastal areas, which is currently a Singkawang. The dissolution of the kongsi in Monterado in the middle of the 19th century, led to stop mining activities in Monterado Similarly, for mining authority was taken over by the colonial, but the miners did not agree with it and choose to stop mining.Kedatangan orang Cina di Kalimantan Barat dalam sekala besar terjadi pada abad ke 18 Masehi, dikarenakan adanya potensi emas di wilayah tersebut. Monterado adalah salah satu lanskap pertambangan emas terbesar di Kalimantan Barat. Lanskap budaya tersebut menunjukan aktifitas pertambangan yang besar dan teknologi yang dimiliki oleh para penambang Cina pada saat itu. Selain kemampuan untuk tambang, ternyata China juga membentuk sebuah organisasi yang disebut "kongsi" untuk mendukung kegiatan pertambangan. Pemukiman dan kota-kota yang tumbuh sebagai pengaruh dari pertambangan emas Monterado muncul di wilayah pesisir, yang saat ini menjadi Kota Singkawang. Data mengenai permukiman di lokasi tambang sangat minim, hal tersebut diperkirakan masyarakat tambang lebih memilih untuk menetap di daerah pelabuhan. Namun, beberapa kuburan Cina dan sisa tiang rumah ditemukan di lokasi tambang. Pembubaran kongsi di Monterado di pertengahan abad ke-19 menyebabkan berhentinya kegiatan pertambangan di lokasi tersebut. Setelah pertambangan diambil alih oleh pemerintah Belanda para penambang emas Cina tetap memilih untuk tidak menambang lagi sebab kegiatan menambang emas tersebut dianggap sudah tidak menguntungkan.


Author(s):  
Lusine Sargsyan ◽  
◽  
Davit Ghazaryan ◽  
◽  

This study is dedicated to the Armenian manuscript and printed Amulet1 of the Armenian Diocese of Baghdad (DAOB). In this collection of early printings, there are two printed Amulets in scroll (Pr. n. 14, second half of the 19th century and Pr. n. 15, A.D. 1716). The third Amulet is a manuscript written in 1736 in the city of Erzrum (Karin) for a certain Ohan (Ms. n. 13). The scanned copies of these amulets are currently available through the website of Hill Museum and Manuscript Library (HMML).2 Since this paper is the first study of these amulets, it presents them in terms of codicology and bibliographical study and discusses their decoration. The study of some iconographic details will help to reveal the practice of using amulets and their meaning, considering them as a representation of Armenian “folklore-art”, since scribes and miniaturists were partly free to choose texts and decorate them, even they were mostly works of the priesthood.3 It should be noted that as artifacts of the same genre, having a purpose of protection of their owners using incantations and prayers, very often the content and decoration of these three Amulets have similarities. From this point of view, Ms. n. 13 (A.D. 1736) and Pr. n. 15 (A.D. 1716) are more relevant to each other both in content and, accordingly, in decoration. A selection of prayers and illustrations to them show almost the same structure, and for the printed Amulet, we can certainly argue that such structure was typical (but not limited) for the printed Amulets in the Armenian tradition from the 18th to 19th centuries. Despite some similarities with two previous Amulets, the Pr. n. 14 (19th century) represent another structure of content and its decoration. It is enriched with prayers and illustrations which does not exist in mentioned above two examples of the 18th century. E.g. engravings depicting the life of Christ (Annunciation, Birth of Jesus Christ, Baptism, Resurrection, etc.), or portraits of the evangelists, accompanied by the passages from their Gospels. Our research shows that the publishers of this Amulet had an eighteenth-century prototype and took an innovative approach using Western art engravings.


Author(s):  
Mordechai Zalkin

The Jewish community in Vilna began in the middle of the 16th century, when the Polish king, Zygmunt August, allowed the Jews to settle in the city and operate mainly in the commercial sphere. From this stage onward, the local Jewish community developed rapidly, the community synagogue was established and the Jews lived in the space allocated to them, and later became recognized as the Jewish quarter. From the middle of the 18th century Vilna became a community of unique importance in eastern European space, due to the development of a religious scholarly center, the most prominent of which was Rabbi Eliyahu Kremer, known as the Gaon of Vilna. Since the beginning of the 19th century, there has been a significant increase in the city’s Jewish population, which has spread to other neighborhoods in the city. At the same time, various circles among local Jews underwent a gradual process of cultural change, manifested in the absorption of the worldview of the Enlightenment. Several social circles operated in this spirit, among them poets, writers, and educators. The latter initiated the establishment of modern schools, and in the middle of the 19th century Vilna became the most important center of Jewish enlightenment in eastern Europe. In the second half of the century, Vilna became one of the main centers of the spread of nationalist and socialist ideologies, as well as one of the worldly most known center of Jewish books printing and publication. At the beginning of 1880, the first association of Hovevei Zion was organized in the city, and in 1897, the General Federation of Jewish Workers in Russia, Lithuania, and Poland, better known as the Bund, was also established in Vilna. During the First World War many of the Jews of Vilna left the city, and at the beginning of 1920 the city was annexed to Poland. In the period between the world wars, most of the local Jewish population suffered from considerable economic difficulties, and at the same time they experienced a significant cultural and educational flowering. The Institute for Jewish Research, known as YIVO, was established in Vilna in 1925. Likewise, during those years there was an impressive diversity in the local Jewish educational system, both for boys and girls, and especially for those with a Zionist orientation. Hundreds of Jewish students studied at the various faculties of the local university, despite manifestations of hostility and violence by militant groups of Polish students. With the outbreak of World War II, many refugees from Poland arrived in Vilna, and with the German invasion in the summer of 1941, all city Jews were concentrated in two ghettos. During the war, most of the Vilna’s Jews were murdered in Ponary, and other murder sites. After the war, a small Jewish community lives in the city.


Author(s):  
Wendy Warren

In popular imagination, the history of chattel slavery in North America is largely linked to the southeastern quarter of the continent, and focused on the 19th century. But the slave trade and institution of chattel slavery functioned in other regions and at other times. One region that has drawn much scholarly attention is New England; the first records of enslaved Africans in that region (in the Massachusetts Bay Colony) appear in 1638, and the region’s enslaved African population grew steadily throughout that century and well into the 18th. Numbering less than two thousand in 1700, there were more than fifteen thousand people of African descent, both free and enslaved, in the region by 1770. Neither the slave trade to New England nor the institution of slavery itself, consisted only of Africans and people of African descent; historians have increasingly paid attention to the ways that commodified enslavement ensnared Native Americans, who worked as unfree labor in the region and were also exported to the West Indies and elsewhere as chattel slaves in the Atlantic slave trade. Indeed, studies of slavery in New England, by focusing on a region seemingly relatively marginal to the greater Atlantic economy and one mostly lacking (save a few areas of Rhode Island) a stereotypical plantation economy, have usefully emphasized the various ways that chattel slavery could be experienced, and have also emphasized the broad reach of Atlantic racial hierarchies and labor systems. Slavery in New England was not the monocrop plantation slavery typical of the 19th-century US South; enslaved people in New England worked in a more varied labor system. The small holdings of New England also meant the slave market worked differently than the antebellum South. Enslaved women in New England were valued differently than in other regions; for example, their reproductive capacities meant less than they would in societies with large-scale holdings of enslaved people. Enslaved children could be a liability rather than an investment. Emancipation in the region was truly gradual: though laws were passed in the late 18th century that sought to outlaw slavery, enslaved people were still legally held in New England as late as the 1840s.


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