scholarly journals La función de la frontera en la economía política de las plantaciones piñeras en Costa Rica / The function of borders in the political economy of Costa Rican pineapple plantations

Revista Trace ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 116
Author(s):  
Andrés León Araya ◽  
Valeria Montoya Tabash

Costa Rica es actualmente el mayor exportador de piña fresca en el mundo (Harvard’s Growth Lab 2020) y más de la mitad de su producción se ubica en la región fronteriza con Nicaragua. Con base en el trabajo etnográfico realizado en dos comunidades costarricenses que se localizan en dicha zona, en este artículo argumentamos que la frontera entre ambos países cumple tres funciones que la hacen fundamental para explicar tanto la expansión del cultivo como su ubicación en esta región: 1) separa los espacios de producción piñera de los espacios de reproducción social de la fuerza de trabajo; 2) vulnera a los trabajadores migrantes nicaragüenses en Costa Rica, debido a su ingreso irregular al país, y 3) dificulta la organización laboral, tanto por el alto nivel de movilidad de la fuerza de trabajo como por convertir conflictos de clase en conflictos entre naciones. Abstract: Costa Rica is the largest exporter of fresh pineapple in the world (Harvard’s Growth Lab 2020), with more than half of its production located in the border region with Nicaragua. Based on ethnographic research carried out in two Costa Rican communities located near the border, we argue in this article that the border line between both countries accomplishes three functions that are crucial to explain both the expansion of the crop and its location in this region: 1) it separates the spaces of pineapple production, of those of social reproduction of the labor force; 2) it renders migrant Nicaraguan workers in Costa Rica vulnerable, due to their irregular entry into the country; 3) it hinders labor organization, due to both the high mobility of the labor force, and by turning class struggle, into conflicts between nations.Keywords: borders; plantations; transborder labor; pineapple production; Central America. Résumé : De nos jours, le Costa Rica est le plus grand exportateur d’ananas au monde (Harvard’s Growth Lab 2020), plus de la moitié de cette production est située dans la zone frontalière avec le Nicaragua. En nous basant sur le travail ethnographique effectué dans deux communautés costariciennes de cette région frontalière, dans cet article nous démontrerons que la frontière entre les deux pays remplit trois fonctions qui la rendent incontournable ayant pour but d’expliquer, d’une part l’expansion de l’exploitation agricole et d’autre part leur localisation dans cette région : 1) elle sépare les espaces de production d’ananas comme ceux de la reproduction sociale de la force de travail ; 2) elle affaiblit les travailleurs migrants nicaraguayens au Costa Rica à cause de leur entrée irrégulière au pays, 3) elle complique l’organisation du travail en raison de la grande mobilité des ouvriers et transforme les conflits de classe en conflit entre les nations.Mots-clés : frontière ; plantations ; travail transfrontalier ; production d’ananas ; Amérique Centrale.

Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Piscopo

Jennifer M. Piscopo examines how the crisis of representation in Costa Rica has placed a ceiling on gender equality in representation. The restructuring of the Costa Rican party system and party fragmentation has made electing multiple candidates from any one ballot more difficult. Top spots have become even more prestigious and more likely to be allocated to men, which reduces women’s electoral chances. Corruption scandals, party breakdown, citizen frustration, and economic problems tainted the administration of the nation’s first female president, Laura Chinchilla. Female legislators have often worked to promote women’s issues and feminist policies, but Chinchilla eschewed feminism, even though several of her policies did benefit women. Overall, her failed presidency may create difficulties for other women seeking top political offices and could have negative consequences for views of women in politics. These challenges notwithstanding, Piscopo concludes that Costa Rica remains at the vanguard of women’s political representation in Latin America.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
Sarah M Hughes

Many accounts of resistance within systems of migration control pivot upon a coherent migrant subject, one that is imbued with political agency and posited as oppositional to particular forms of sovereign power. Drawing upon ethnographic research into the role of creativity within the UK asylum system, I argue that grounding resistance with a stable, coherent and agentic subject, aligns with oppositional narratives (of power vs resistance), and thereby risks negating the entangled politics of the (in)coherence of subject formation, and how this can contain the potential to disrupt, disturb or interrupt the practices and premise of the UK asylum system. I suggest that charity groups and subjects should not be written out of narratives of resistance apriori because they engage with ‘the state’: firstly, because to argue that there is a particular form that resistance should take is to place limits around what counts as the political; and secondly, because to ‘remain oppositional’ is at odds with an (in)coherent subject. I show how accounts which highlight a messy and ambiguous subjectivity, could be bought into understandings of resistance. This is important because as academics, we too participate in the delineation of the political and what counts as resistance. In predetermining what subjects, and forms of political action count as resistance we risk denying recognition to those within this system.


Journalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146488492098572
Author(s):  
Eugenia Siapera ◽  
Lambrini Papadopoulou

The article looks to identify and contextualise the shift of journalism towards emotion in terms of broader socio-political shifts. It focuses on ‘hate journalism’, a term we use to describe a new kind of journalism that emerged in Greece during the debt crisis years and is ideologically close to neo-fascist, and ethnonationalist political positions. We understand hate as an action oriented socio-cultural practice and examine the conditions of production and deployment of hate through focusing on Makeleio, the most successful example of this kind of journalism. Within this context, hate is produced and circulated as a ‘hook’ to attract and entice users, by mirroring their emotions; it further constitutes a means of producing and diffusing ideology by helping readers manage uncertainty through putting forward authoritarian solutions. In doing so, hate journalism is involved in social reproduction processes by which (Greek) society produces and sustains itself as ethnically pure, culturally Christian, and gendered as masculine and virile. Readers are invited to recognise themselves and their practices and vernacular, to be consoled and offered solace and comfort within an unmoored world. They, in turn, offer support to this journalism through consuming it.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Paulette Barberousse-Alfonso ◽  
Marie Claire Vargas-Dengo ◽  
Pamela Corrales-Bastos

From a critical and transformative approach, this essay presents inputs and relevant conclusions obtained during the first stage of the project Construyendo una propuesta de implementación del Programa Maestros Comunitarios (PMC), Code number 0166-15 DEB-UNA (UNA, DEB, s. f.), conducted in 2016. Considering our perspective as researchers and professors at División de Educación Básica, the paper addresses a current topic within the socio-educative field to face challenges of contemporary educational models in formal and non-formal areas of elementary education in the Costa Rican context. Our purpose is that students and teachers of the career program Pedagogía con énfasis en I y II ciclos de la Educación General Básica have an overview of the national, social, and educational reality in an attempt to involve them in applying pedagogical actions towards finding a solution to school dropouts at Escuela Finca Guararí, Heredia, Costa Rica. The essay describes the experience of teaching education students and their socio-educational action with the focus on the systematization of the experience in the initial stage of the project. Furthermore, the paper connects with emerging strategic knowledge areas at División de Educación Básica (DEB), such as social and community pedagogy in the context of the National University (UNA) of Costa Rica. It takes over a route already traced at DEB, which proposes more flexible and alternative pedagogic formats to promote educational equity and diversity issues. The paper describes the project background and a theoretical framework, as well as aspects that have been shared by the protagonist actors along the process: students-teachers, host teachers, supervisor professors, school children, and their parents at Escuela Finca Guararí. Conclusions address main results and facts during 2016 in order to show the viability of the project, which is conducted from a public university. Finally, the article also includes an overview of the project’s future in terms of its implementation in the Costa Rican context.


1996 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcia Olander

The years following World War Two produced a strong resurgence of U.S. intervention in Central America and the Caribbean couched in Cold War terms. Although the U.S. intervention in Guatemala to overthrow the government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 has generally been seen as the first case of Cold War covert anti-Communist intervention in Latin America, several scholars have raised questions about U.S. involvement in a 1948 Costa Rican civil war in which Communism played a critical role. In a 1993 article in The Americas, Kyle Longley argued that “the U.S. response to the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948, not the Guatemalan affair, marked the origins of the Cold War in Latin America.” The U.S. “actively interfered,” and achieved “comparable results in Costa Rica as in Guatemala: the removal of a perceived Communist threat.” Other authors have argued, even, that the U.S. had prepared an invasion force in the Panama Canal Zone to pacify the country. The fifty years of Cold War anti-Communism entitles one to be skeptical of U.S. non-intervention in a Central American conflict involving Communism. Costa Ricans, aware of a long tradition of U.S. intervention in the region, also assumed that the U.S. would intervene. Most, if not all, were expecting intervention and one key government figure described U.S. pressure as like “the air, which is felt, even if it cannot be seen.” Yet, historians must do more than just “feel” intervention. Subsequent Cold War intervention may make it difficult to appraise the 1948 events in Costa Rica objectively. Statements like Longley's that “it is hard to believe that in early 1948 … Washington would not favor policies that ensured the removal of the [Communist Party] Vanguard,” although logical, do not coincide with the facts of the U.S. role in the conflict.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Rosero-Bixby

BACKGROUND The Costa Rican vaccination program uses Pfizer-BioNTech and Oxford-AstraZeneca vaccines. Real-world estimates of these vaccines effectiveness to prevent hospitalizations range from 90% to 98% for two doses and from 70% to 91% for a single dose. Almost all of these estimates predate the Delta variant. OBJECTIVE To estimate the dose-dependent effectiveness of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) vaccines to prevent severe illness in real-world conditions of Costa Rica, after the Delta variant became dominant. METHODS This observational study is a secondary analysis of hospitalizations prevalence. The participants are all 3.67 million adults residents in Costa Rica by mid-2021. The study is based on public aggregated data of 5978 COVID-19-related hospital records from 14th September to 20th October, 2021 and 6.1 million vaccination doses administered to determine hospitalization prevalence by dose-specific vaccination status. The intervention retrospectively evaluated is vaccination with Pfizer-BioNTech (78%) and Oxford-AstraZeneca (22%). The main outcome studied is being hospitalized. RESULTS Vaccine effectiveness to prevent hospitalization (VEH) was estimated as 93.4% (95% confidence interval [CI]: 93.0 to 93.9) for complete vaccination and 76.7% (CI: 75.0 to 78.3) for single-dose vaccination among adults of all ages. VEH was lower and more uncertain among older adults aged 58 years and above: 92% (CI: 91% to 93%) for those who had received full vaccination and 64% (CI: 58% to 69%) for those who had received partial vaccination. Single-dose VEH declined over time during the study period, especially in the older age group. Estimates were sensitive to possible errors in the population count used to determine the residual number of unvaccinated people when vaccine coverage is high. CONCLUSIONS The Costa Rican vaccination program that administered Pfizer and Oxford vaccines are highly effective to prevent COVID-19-related hospitalizations after the Delta variant had become dominant. Moreover, a single dose is reasonably effective, justifying the continuation of the national policy of postponing the application for the second dose of the Pfizer vaccine to accelerate the vaccination and increase the number of people being vaccinated. Timely monitoring of vaccine effectiveness is important to detect eventual failures and motivate the public based on information that the vaccinations are effective.


1997 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 471-492 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Gentili ◽  
M. Alma Solis

AbstractOmiodes Guenée is redescribed based on all New World species, including the type species O. humeralis Guenée. Four new species from Costa Rica, O. janzeni sp. n., O. hallwachsae sp. n., O. sirena sp. n., O. ochracea sp. n., are described. Ten new synonymies are established : Phostria disciiridescens Hampson is =O. croeceiceps (Walker), Phostria cayennalis Schaus is =O. grandis (Druce), Omiodes ochrosoma Felder & Rogenhofer and Phryganodes gazalis Schaus are =O. pandaralis (Walker), Nacoleia lenticurvalis Hampson, Phryganodes anchoritalis Dyar, and Phostria duplicata Kaye are =O. confusalis (Dognin), O. cervinalis Amsel is =O. martvralis (Lederer), Nacoleia indicata ab. pigralis Dognin and Botis fortificalis Möschler are =O. metricalis (Möschler). One new combination is recognized: O. pandaralis (Walker) was transferred from Coelorhynchidia Hampson. A key and an updated checklist to the neotropical Omiodes species is provided, including O. indicata (Fabricius), a worldwide pest. Ten species that do not belong in Omiodes are retained until appropriate generic placements are identified.


Diversity ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 577
Author(s):  
Héctor Zumbado-Ulate ◽  
Catherine L. Searle ◽  
Gerardo Chaves ◽  
Víctor Acosta-Chaves ◽  
Alex Shepack ◽  
...  

Treefrogs represent 22% of amphibian species in Costa Rica, but gaps in the knowledge about this group of amphibians can impede conservation efforts. In this study, we first updated the status of Costa Rican treefrogs and found that a total of 38% of treefrog species are threatened according to the most recent IUCN assessment in 2019. Additionally, 21% of Costa Rican treefrog species have a high vulnerability to extinction according to environmental vulnerability scores. Then, we predicted the historical climatic suitability of eight target species that we expected to have exhibited changes in their ranges in the last 20 years. We assessed the location of new occurrence records since 2000 to identify recovery, range expansion, or previously underestimated ranges due to methodological limitations. We also estimated the area of each species’ suitable habitat with two metrics: extent of suitable habitat (ESH) and area of minimum convex polygon (AMCP). Six declined species exhibited recovery (i.e., new occurrences across historical range after 2000), with the widest recovery found in Agalychnis annae. We also found that Isthmohyla pseudopuma appears to have spread after the decline of sympatric species and that the range of I. sukia was originally underestimated due to inadequate detection. We found that the ESH was 32–49% smaller than the AMCP for species that are slowly recovering; however, the ESH is similar or greater than the AMCP for species that are recovering in most of their ranges, as well as rare species with widespread ranges. Results of this work can be used to evaluate the risk of environmental threats and prioritize regions for conservation purposes.


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