scholarly journals REKAYASA BAHASA DAN KONSTRUKSI POLITIK “PERSATUAN-KESATUAN” DALAM WACANA “NEGARA KESATUAN REPUBLIK INDONESIA”

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 116
Author(s):  
Agus Suwignyo

The formation of the Indonesian nation-state is inseparable from linguistic engineering. This includes phrases that transformed their lexical meaning to become a binding political concession produced by Indonesian political leaders in the 1940s and 1950s. The official name of the Indonesian state “The Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia” is the result of this political concession in the statecraft of Indonesia. This article aims to examine the meanings of the “unity and unitary” phrases in the imagined form of Indonesian nation-state. Why was “unity and unitary” an effective political tool for the shaping of the imagination of “Indonesia”? Linguists and historians would these choices of words as a reflection of the power of language in the creation of facts. Language can transform a lexical fact into a material one. It is therefore essential to understand how did the phrase “unity and unitary” transform from a lexical to a political meaning in the context of Indonesian history? This article is based on literary analyses of official relevant documents, including the assembly proceeding of the Council for the Investigation of the Preparation for Indonesian Independence (Badan Penyelidik Usaha-usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, BPUPKI) of August 1945, and the so-called Principal Guidelines for State Development (Garis-Garis Besar Haluan Negara, GBHN) of the New Order. It argues that the “unity and unitary” phrase represents a negotiation of diverse political elements which then shaped the crafting of Indonesian nation-state. The changes in the contexts in which the phrase was used show a changing association between the lexical and ideological meanings of the phrase. While these changes worked towards institutionalizing the Indonesian state, this article concludes that they also submerged the people’s discontents. The phrase “unity and unitary” reflected the making of people’s uniformity to a large extent. 

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhamad Rizal ◽  
Yanyan Yani

The purpose of state defense is to protect and to save the integrity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, the sovereignty of the state, as well as its security from all kinds of threats, whether they are military or non-military ones. One of the non-military threats that potentially threatens the sovereignty and security of the nation-state is the misuse of technology and information in cyberspace. The threat of irresponsible cyber attacks can be initiated by both state and non-state actors. The actors may be an individual, a group of people, a faction, an organization, or even a country. Therefore, the government needs to anticipate cyber threats by formulating cyber security strategies and determining comprehensive steps to defend against cyber attacks; its types and the scale of counter-measures, as well as devising the rules of law. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 383-403
Author(s):  
Ahidul Asror

This article seeks to reveal Kiai Muchith Muzadi’s thought on the Islamic nationalism in Indonesia. It deals with a number of issues such as state form, the meaning of politics within nation-state life, and the relation of Islam and Pancasila. The article also attempts to answer problematic discourse on contemporary Islam which, within recent decades, (re)rises the principles of nationalism into public discussion. Muchith argues that Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI/The Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia) has been an ultimate state form for the Indonesian people. Therefore, this is a duty for the Indonesian Muslims, as Indonesia’s majority inhabitant, to actively take a role and involve themselves in guarding Indonesia and its unity. Muchith also sees no relevant necessary to replace the state form with other systems such as khilāfah and Islamic state. To him, politics is a mere means to fight for interests carried out with Islamic principles coupled with nationalism values in order to establish national integration and achieve the shared ideals. Muchith maintains that Pancasila along with its values is compatible with Islam and this is why the Indonesian Muslims should accept it as the state ideology.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-73
Author(s):  
Firdaus el Hadi ◽  
Md Azalanshah Md Syed ◽  
Hamedi Mohd Adnan

This qualitative study examines political ideology mainly on Pancasila and its association in the development of Indonesian films. Like other countries, Indonesia has undergone a change of political system from time to time. Indonesian Ideology and its political system evolved in three phases: Orde Lama (the old order), Orde Baru (the new order) and Orde Reformasi (the reformed order) that directly or indirectly form the narrative and plot of popular Indonesian films. As a policy of the nation-state, pancasila that emerged during the era of Orde Lama is influential not only to enlight the creation of national identity but to form popular views in various contexts including filmmaking. Thus, this study will analyse the importance of Pancasila as a major element in the making of popular Indonesian films and various challenges to maintain its role as important ideology for establishing the national identity of the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 299
Author(s):  
Siti Kholifah

This study’s primary focus is to examine the discourse of the NKRI (Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia) and that of the caliphate that has been developing on social media. It involves essential issues because Indonesia’s state and religion have had a dynamic relationship since the New Order era. The debatable issue related to the state and religion shows that religion is a crucial subject used to maintain the state. As a state, Indonesia emphasizes multicultural values; however, some people or organizations have an intolerance of Indonesia’s plurality promoted on social media. Using Foucault’s theory on discourse, power, and knowledge, this study was conducted by applying big data to Social Network Analysis (SNA) through the netlytic program. Big data is a new method developed to analyze the social phenomena that happen in the digital era. This study examines the assumption that the discourse of the NKRI is not a single discourse in the Indonesian context. It is in addition to the caliphate’s discourse, although the NKRI is still the dominant discourse. The debatable issue within the discourse of the NKRI and the caliphate is related to dynamic religious organizations that are not based on cultural values. They tend to be either puritan (seeking to purify the doctrine) or radical. This situation is also related to the political context where the caliphate’s discourse is developing related to Jakarta’s local election. There is also the issue of the religious defamation conducted by Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok). This situation explains the increase in Islamic political roles that are not affected by the sociological context. The roles are more impacted by political elites who are using religion as a political vehicle.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-106
Author(s):  
Norbertus Jegalus

Two political economy thoughts that dominated the 19th and 20th centuries are liberalism and socialism. These two great ideologies originate from a philosophy that emphasizes individuality (liberalism) and another philosophy that emphasizes collectivity (socialism). These two ideologies face each other and have produced a world socio-economic order for approximately two centuries, where the influence we still experience today in Indonesia and that is what appears in the constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Starting from the socio-economic order stated in the constitution, in the following we can review three fundamental political characteristics of the nation, namely the ideology of the nation state, the Pancasila State, and the unitary state. The existence of these three political entities - if we really examine the constitutional normative message about the national economy and social welfare - can only be guaranteed by cooperatives. Cooperatives as the pillars of the national economy can shape and guarantee the three Indonesian political characteristics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 124
Author(s):  
Rohmadi Rohmadi

There is no sexiest word besides Radicalism. Its existence often makes people stricken with fear. Even those who guessed that the end of radicalism was a brutal act of terrorism. The end of the religion is related. Various types of prevention are carried out by various official governmental and private institutions. The aim is none other than so that the ideas that lead to acts of terror can be stopped. In understanding the meaning of radicalism, many are confused, because if it is traced, the equivalent of the word radicalism is not in accordance with the meaning. Because the meaning of the radik is root / rooted (meaning deep thinking / philosophizing), while people do too much, they may not necessarily think deeply. Meanwhile, the word ism itself which contains the meaning of a notion, should be distinguished by an act that ends brutally. Herein lies the error, the word used to describe this should be extremism. Because there are always people who overdo it.That the symptoms of radicalism among Muslims in the post-New Order era can be seen as an 'act of identity' carried out in order to respond and answer the crisis of identity they experienced in the midst of dramatic and dramatic changes that occurred in Indonesia in the early phase of transition to democracy. not right if always associated with religion. But it does not mean that in religion there is no action, in any religion there are always people who interpret religion in a textual way, raping the scriptures for their interests. So that short-sightedness leads to brutal action / terror. The Muhammadiyah which is the main guardian of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia will also not agree with various kinds of violence, occupation and deviant acts. It's just that Muhammadiyah suggested that the handling that smelled of Islam be carried out with a persuasive approach. Therefore, if the government insists on repressive actions, new terrorists will emerge. The emergence of radicalism cannot be separated from the long history of this nation, herein lies the ambivalent nature that we must seek and solve together, so that such ideas do not reappear.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Fajar Syarif

The debate over the relationship between religion and the state reappeared when the New Order regime was at its peak of power, the 1980s. This has a fundamental need to strengthen the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) and establish Pancasila as the only state ideology and the only principle for religious and social organizations. This need certainly created an extraordinary paradigmatic controversy among all components of the nation, especially Muslims: between following the political will of the New Order or remaining a supporter of the establishment of an "Islamic state", not a Pancasila state. This is a big dilemma for the Indonesian people which in reality consists of thousands of islands, hundreds of ethnicities and languages, and dozens of religions, while the majority of the population is Muslim where the idea of establishing an 'Islamic state' has not vanished from the ideals of a number of Islamic organizations or groups.


2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-227
Author(s):  
Lode Wils

In dit eerste deel van zijn uiteenzetting poneert Lode Wils de door zijn bronnen onderbouwde stelling dat het ontstaan van de Belgische (natie)staat de feitelijke slotfase was van een passage van de protonatie(s) in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie. Een passage die tijdens de late twintiger jaren van de negentiende eeuw bovendien sterk gekruid werd door het Belgisch 'wij'-denken dat meer en meer het cement ging vormen in de parlementaire en buitenparlementaire contestatie tegen het Hollandse regime.Wils verbindt in zijn uiteenzetting zijn eigen onderzoek omtrent de "cruciale parlementaire debatten in de jaren 1827-1830" aan zijn lectuur van de wetenschappelijke literatuur die zowel in het Noorden als in het Zuiden werd gewijd aan die problematiek, in bijzonderheid de doctoraalstudie L’invention de la Belgique. Genèse d’un Etat-Nation. 1648-1830 van de UCL-historiograaf Sébastien Dubois. Betekenisvol is overigens de frase van Wils waarin hij stelt dat Dubois zich "na het doorworstelen van bijna 2000 archiefbundels, ergert aan de voorstelling alsof niet het koninkrijk, maar 'België' geschapen werd in 1830."________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state [part I]In this first part of his discourse Lode Wils puts forward the thesis corroborated by his sources that the creation of the Belgian (nation)state was in fact the final phase of a transition from the pre-nation(s) of the Southern Netherlands through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution. During the late nineteen twenties this transition was particularly marked by the Belgian “we-thinking” that gradually came to be the binding factor in the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary protest against the Dutch regime.  In his argument Wils connects his own research into the “crucial parliamentary debates during the period of 1827-1830” to his reading of the scientific literature, which was dedicated to that issue both in the North and in the South, in particular to the doctoral dissertation by the UCL historiographer Sébastien Dubois L’invention de la Belgique. Genèse d’un Etat-Nation. 1648-1830  (The invention of Belgium. Genesis of a Nation State: 1648-1830). We note in particular Will’s remark that Dubois “after having waded through almost 2000 archival volumes is irritated by the conception that 1830 saw the creation not of the kingdom but of ‘Belgium’.”


Author(s):  
Hannah Cornwell

This book examines the two generations that spanned the collapse of the Republic and the Augustan period to understand how the concept of pax Romana, as a central ideology of Roman imperialism, evolved. The author argues for the integral nature of pax in understanding the changing dynamics of the Roman state through civil war to the creation of a new political system and world-rule. The period of the late Republic to the early Principate involved changes in the notion of imperialism. This is the story of how peace acquired a central role within imperial discourse over the course of the collapse of the Republican framework to become deployed in the legitimization of the Augustan regime. It is an examination of the movement from the debates over the content of the concept, in the dying Republic, to the creation of an authorized version controlled by the princeps, through an examination of a series of conceptions about peace, culminating with the pax augusta as the first crystallization of an imperial concept of peace. Just as there existed not one but a series of ideas concerning Roman imperialism, so too were there numerous different meanings, applications, and contexts within which Romans talked about ‘peace’. Examining these different nuances allows us insight into the ways they understood power dynamics, and how these were contingent on the political structures of the day. Roman discourses on peace were part of the wider discussion on the way in which Rome conceptualized her Empire and ideas of imperialism.


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