scholarly journals AMBIVALENSI RADIKALISME AGAMA DALAM PERSPEKTIF MUHAMMADIYAH

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 124
Author(s):  
Rohmadi Rohmadi

There is no sexiest word besides Radicalism. Its existence often makes people stricken with fear. Even those who guessed that the end of radicalism was a brutal act of terrorism. The end of the religion is related. Various types of prevention are carried out by various official governmental and private institutions. The aim is none other than so that the ideas that lead to acts of terror can be stopped. In understanding the meaning of radicalism, many are confused, because if it is traced, the equivalent of the word radicalism is not in accordance with the meaning. Because the meaning of the radik is root / rooted (meaning deep thinking / philosophizing), while people do too much, they may not necessarily think deeply. Meanwhile, the word ism itself which contains the meaning of a notion, should be distinguished by an act that ends brutally. Herein lies the error, the word used to describe this should be extremism. Because there are always people who overdo it.That the symptoms of radicalism among Muslims in the post-New Order era can be seen as an 'act of identity' carried out in order to respond and answer the crisis of identity they experienced in the midst of dramatic and dramatic changes that occurred in Indonesia in the early phase of transition to democracy. not right if always associated with religion. But it does not mean that in religion there is no action, in any religion there are always people who interpret religion in a textual way, raping the scriptures for their interests. So that short-sightedness leads to brutal action / terror. The Muhammadiyah which is the main guardian of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia will also not agree with various kinds of violence, occupation and deviant acts. It's just that Muhammadiyah suggested that the handling that smelled of Islam be carried out with a persuasive approach. Therefore, if the government insists on repressive actions, new terrorists will emerge. The emergence of radicalism cannot be separated from the long history of this nation, herein lies the ambivalent nature that we must seek and solve together, so that such ideas do not reappear.

Author(s):  
Luigi Capogrossi Colognesi

This chapter gives a rapid overview of the history of Roman public and private institutions, from their early beginning in the semi-legendary age of the kings to the later developments of the Imperial age. A turning point has been the passage from the kingdom to the republic and the new foundation of citizenship on family wealth, instead of the exclusiveness of clan and lineages. But still more important has been the approval of the written legislation of the XII Tables giving to all citizens a sufficient knowledge of the Roman legal body of consuetudinary laws. From that moment, Roman citizenship was identified with personal freedom and the rule of law. Following political and military success, between the end of IV and the first half of III century bce Rome was capable of imposing herself as the central power in Italy and the western Mediterranean. From that moment Roman hegemony was exercised on a growing number of cities and local populations, organized in the form of Roman of Latin colonies or as Roman municipia. Only in the last century bce were these different statutes unified with the grant of Roman citizenship to all Italians. In this same period the Roman civil law, which was applied to private litigants by the Roman praetors, had become a very complex and sophisticated system of rules. With the empire the system did not change abruptly, although the Princeps did concentrate in his hands the last power of the judiciary and became the unique source of new legislation. In that way, for the first time, the Roman legal system was founded on rational and coherent schemes, becoming a model, which Antiquity transmitted to the late medieval Europe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-141
Author(s):  
Arthur Aritonang

“Kekristenan dan Nasionalisme di Indonesia” membahas mengenai sejarah kekristenan di Indonesia yang diasumsikan sebagai agama yang pro terhadap penjajah dari Barat namun asumsi itu tidak benar sebagai bukti ada banyak tokoh Kristen yang ikut memperjuangkan kemerdekaan Indonesia dengan didasarkan semangat nasionalisme. Kemudian pasca-kolonial Belanda kekristenan ingin menampilkan wajah baru yang sungguh-sungguh keindonesiaan dengan lahirnya organisasi DGI/PGI. Namun seiring waktu ketika berakhirnya era orde baru dan memasuki era reformasi, kekristenan dan masyarakat lainnya di Indonesia menghadapi arus gelombang yang mengatas-namakan agama yang pergerakannya cukup masif dibandingkan di era orde lama diantaranya: kelompok Islam fundamentalis yang ingin menjadikan NKRI bersyariat Islam, adanya gerakan politik transnasional HTI yang ingin menghidupkan kembali kejayaan Islam pada abad ke-6 dan faham Wahabisme yang sarat dengan kekerasan. Persoalan lainnya ialah adanya kemiskinan yang terstruktur akibat dari krisis moneter yang melanda di Indonesia tahun 1997. Melalui masalah ini, setiap agama-agama di Indonesia harus melakukan konvergensi atas dasar keprihatinan yang sama. Abstract: Christianity and Nationalism in Indonesia” discuss the history of Christianity in Indonesia, which is assumed to be a religion that is pro to Western colonialism. Still, this assumption is incorrect as evidence that many Christian figures fought for Indonesian independence based on the spirit of nationalism. Then post-colonial of Dutch, Christianity wanted to be presented a truly Indonesian face with the birth of the DGI / PGI organization. But over time when the end of the new order and entering the era of reform, Christianity and the other societies in Indonesia faced challenges in the name of religion whose movements were quite massive compared to the old order including fundamentalist Islamic groups who wanted to make the Republic of Syariat Muslim Indonesia, a transnational HTI political movement that wanted to revive the glory of Islam in the 6th century and the ideology of Wahhabism which is loaded with violence. Another problem is the existence of structured poverty due to the monetary crisis that hit Indonesia in 1997. Through this problem, every religion in Indonesia must converge on the basis of the same concerns.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhamad Rizal ◽  
Yanyan Yani

The purpose of state defense is to protect and to save the integrity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, the sovereignty of the state, as well as its security from all kinds of threats, whether they are military or non-military ones. One of the non-military threats that potentially threatens the sovereignty and security of the nation-state is the misuse of technology and information in cyberspace. The threat of irresponsible cyber attacks can be initiated by both state and non-state actors. The actors may be an individual, a group of people, a faction, an organization, or even a country. Therefore, the government needs to anticipate cyber threats by formulating cyber security strategies and determining comprehensive steps to defend against cyber attacks; its types and the scale of counter-measures, as well as devising the rules of law. 


Author(s):  
Gatot Yoda Kusumah ◽  
Liong Ju Tjung ◽  
Priyendiswara A.B. Priyendiswara

Indonesian tourism is an important sector in increasing state revenues. The tourism sector ranks third in terms of foreign exchange earnings. in 2014 The government established tourism as the leading sector in improving the economy to encourage regional development and employment. With the law of the Republic of Indonesia number 39 of 2009 concerning Special Economic Zones, hereinafter referred to as K.E.K is a region with a certain boundary with the jurisdiction of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia which is determined to carry out economic functions and obtain certain facilities. Kab. Central Lombok is one of the places where there is a K.E, namely K.E.K Mandalika. In order to increase the income of the Lombok region where the development of K.E.K Mandalika is 1,175 ha and the author takes 21 ha of land at K.E.K Mandalika to develop a Resort with a waterfront concept in order to increase Lombok tourism. Based on background problems, the main underlyinh problem is the lack of supporting facilities to support activities in the Mandalika Special Economic Zone, therefore the need for accommodation in the Mandalika Special Economic Zone.Abstrak Pariwisata Indonesia menjadi sektor yang penting dalam peningkatan pendapatan Negara. Sektor pariwisata menempati urutan ketiga dalam hal penerimaan devisa. Pemerintah pada tahun 2014 menetapkan pariwisata sebagai leading sektor dalam peningkatan perekonomian untuk mendorong pembangunan daerah dan lapangan pekerjaan. Dengan adanya undang-undang Republik Indonesia nomor 39 tahun 2009 tentang Kawasan Ekonomi Khusus, yang selanjutnya disebut K.E.K (kawasan ekonomi khusus), adalah Kawasan dengan batas tertentu dengan wilayah hukum Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia yang ditetapkan untuk menyelenggarakan fungsi perekonomian dan memperoleh fasilitas tertentu. Kab. Lombok Tengah merupakan salah satu tempat dimana terdapat K.E.K yakni adalah K.E.K Mandalika. Guna dapat meningkatkan pendapatan daerah lombok dimana Pengembangan K.E.K Mandalika seluas 1.175 ha dan Penulis mengambil 21 ha lahan di K.E.K Mandalika untuk dikembangkan Resort dengan konsep waterfront guna dapat meningkatkan pariwisata lombok. Berdasarkan permasalahan latar belakang, permasalahan utama yang mendasar adalah belum adanya fasilitas pendukung untuk menunjang aktivitas di Kawasan Ekonomi Khusus Mandalika.


Subject The May 22 parliamentary elections. Significance The elections had the lowest turnout in the history of the Republic of Cyprus and brought about significant changes in the composition of the chamber. They were conducted amid a climate of fragile economic recovery and talks with the Turkish Cypriots on reunification. The outcome was a weakening of parliamentary support for the talks and a louder voice for nationalist, anti-austerity and anti-reform views. Impacts The government that is in place will not be affected because Cyprus has a presidential system. However, the lack of a parliamentary majority could hinder the Cypriot economy's fragile recovery. Resolving the division of Cyprus problem would be a significant positive boost for the very insecure Eastern Mediterranean.


QOF ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Zaenal Hamam ◽  
A. Halil Thahir

This article elaborate the historical root of tafsir maqasidi through these steps:1) describing the four periods of the history of tafsir; 2) deducing points, from each period, which could provide an idea on the history of tafsir maqashidi, either theoretically or practically; 3) and providing examples of tafsir maqashidi. This article is done by documentation, by searching, reading, and reviewing qualitative data to be collected and analyzed by deductive method. The results of the article show: 1) historical roots of tafsir maqa>s{idi> have an intertwined with the history of tafsir in general, namely: marḥalat al-ta'sīs, marḥalat al-ta'ṣīl, marḥalat al-tafrī', and marḥalat al-tajdi>d. 2) among the points that can be explained related to the historical roots of tafsir maqas{idi> that is: a) in the ta'sīs period, there embryo maqāṣid al-shari>’ah. For example, there is a triple divorce in one majlis which is punishable by a single divorce at the time of the Prophet, during the time of Umar ra. punishable by three divorces, with consideration of 'urf, for the benefit; b) in the tafrī' period, born three maqāṣid al-shari>’ah theories. first, al-Tūfī argues that the Shari'ah is none other than mas}lah}ah itself, so if nas} is contrary to mas}lah}ah then take precedence of mas}lah}ah ('alā sabīl al-takhṣīṣ); secondly, al-Gazalī states that "mas}lah}ah" is nothing but the Shari'a itself, so the theory of mas}lah}ah is taken inductively from nas {{; Third, al-Shāṭibī argues that mas}lah}ah and shari'a are one unity, so if nas} that opposed to mas}lah}ah is qot}'i> al-dalālah, then nas {is precedence, and if nas} that opposed to mas}lah}ah is dhanni> al-dalālah, then mas}lah}ah is precedence; c) in the tajdi>d period, classical maqāṣid concepts that are protection and preservation, altered by some contemporary Muslims such as Jasser Auda into a new concept of development and rights. The idea of contemporaryization of this terminology was then rejected by many fuqaha. 3) an example of the application of tafsir maqāṣidi> is the interpretation of the Qur'an surah al-Nu>r verse 2 in the context of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. In this case there is a ta'āruḍ between nas which enjoins the caning and "mas}lah}ah". The application of the Islamic Criminal law in Indonesia to date has not received sufficient political support, so it will lead to greater mafsadah. Therefore, mas}lah}ah takes precedence and is made as takhṣīṣ above nas}.


Al-Qadha ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-29
Author(s):  
Faisal

The journey of the Religious Courts that has been passed in such a long period oftime means that we are talking about the past, namely the history of the Religious Courts.With the entry of Islam into Indonesia, which for the first time in the first century Hijri (1 H /7 AD) brought directly from Arabia by merchants from Mecca and Medina, the communitybegan to implement the teachings and rules of Islamic religion in everyday life. The ReligiousCourt is one of the Special Courts under the authority of the Supreme Court as the highestcourt in the Republic of Indonesia. As an Islamic Judiciary that had been established longbefore Indonesia's independence, the Religious Courts certainly could not be separated fromthe changes that occurred considering the reign of the Government of Indonesia had been heldby various people with different backgrounds, politics and goals, surely it would have animpact on the existence Religious Courts both materially and immaterially, including duringthe Dutch and Japanese colonial rule in Indonesia.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (01) ◽  
pp. 136-158
Author(s):  
Arif Wijaya

Abstract; this paper highlights democracy in the history of the constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. In the history of the nation, from independence to now, there are three kinds of democracy that once applied in the constitutional life of Indonesia, namely the liberal democracy, the guided democracy, and the Pancasila democracy. The liberal democracy leads to a failure of the Constituent establishing Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 as a replacement of Undang-Undang Dasar Sementara 1950. The Guided Democracy is under the reign of the old order and the Pancasila democracy is under the rule of the new order. Although the initial concept for the period intended as an implementation of the fourth principle of Pancasila, but the power was ultimately centralized on the hand of President. A failure of the old and the new order to uphold the values of democracy cause a reformation. In this reformation era, the values of democracy are expected to be enforced.Keywords: The liberal democracy, the guided democracy, the Pancasila democracy


Author(s):  
Tyas Dian Anggraeni

<p>Tanah dalam konsep budaya Jawa menjadi hal yang amat sakral dan penting. Bagi masyarakat Jawa, tanah memiliki nilai yang setara dengan harga diri manusia. Seperti halnya di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (DIY), tanah memiliki nilai tersendiri, termasuk juga sistem pengelolaannya. Bahkan Undang-undang Nasional tidak mampu menembus sistem pengelolaan tanah di DIY. Tulisan ini akan mengkaji lebih jauh tentang sejarah keistimewaan urusan pertanahan di Kasultanan dan Paku Alaman Yogyakarta dan realitasnya dalam menyikapi Rancangan Undang-Undang keistimewaan Yogyakarta. Dengan menggunakan metode yuridis normatif, sejarah penguasaan dan pemilikan tanah oleh raja atau Sultan Yogyakarta dan Paku Alam merupakan pelaksanaan kesepakatan dari perjanjian Giyanti yang dikukuhkan kembali dalam amanat penggabungan diri Sultan dan Paku Alam ke dalam Pemerintahan Republik Indonesia. Dengan demikian Yogyakarta mempunyai sistem pengelolaan tanah yang khusus, ada yang mengikuti hukum pertanahan nasional, dan ada pula yang masih diatur oleh Rijksblad Kasultanan dan Rijksblad Paku Alaman. Agar tidak menimbulkan masalah atau polemik baru dalam dinamika politik dan sejalan dengan sistem hukum nasional, masalah pertanahan di DIY perlu mendapat perhatian khusus.</p><p>Land in the concept of Javanese culture into something that is sacred and important. For the Javanese, the land has a value equivalent to human dignity. As in the Special Region of Yogyakarta (DIY), the land has value, including its management system. Even the National Law can not penetrate the soil management systems in the province. This paper will examine further features of the history of land affairs in the Sultanate of Yogyakarta and Paku Alaman and reality in the bill addressing the privilege of Yogyakarta. By using a normative juridical methods, the history of the control and ownership of land by the king or the Sultan of Yogyakarta and Paku Alam is an implementation of the agreement Giyanti agreement which reaffirmed the mandate of merging himself Sultan and Paku Alam to the Government of the Republic of Indonesia. Thus Yogyakarta has a special system of land management, there are following the national land laws, and some are still governed by the Sultanate and Rijksblad Rijksblad Paku Alaman. In order not to cause any problems or new polemical and political dynamics in line with the national legal system, problems of land in the province needs special attention.</p>


Author(s):  
О.А. Дженчакова

В статье рассматриваются истоки возникновения вопроса Кабинды как затянувшегося территориального спора между официальными властями Республики Ангола и действующей на территории анклава Кабинда сепаратистски настроенной организацией — Фронта освобождения государства Кабинда, а также ее различными фракциями. Отмечается влияние геополитического фактора и нефтяных запасов на ситуацию в провинции, рассматриваются исторически обусловленные предпосылки и формально-правовые основания возникновения данного спора. Анализируются цели и методы борьбы, применяемые сепаратистами, отмечается их разобщенность, противоречивость действий в отношении правительства в Луанде. Отражены взгляды высшего руководства страны на данную проблему, приведены некоторые меры, принимаемые правительством для урегулирования вопроса. Прослеживается динамика развития ситуации в последние годы, а именно перегруппировка сил сепаратистов, создание ими новой организация — Движение за независимость Кабинды, активисты которой уже включились в политическую борьбу и призывают к самоопределению провинции. В статье делаются некоторые прогнозы относительно развития событий вокруг анклава. The article focuses on the sources of the Cabinda issue as a long-lasting territorial argument between the authorities of the Republic of Angola and the Front for the Liberation of the Cabinda Enclave, a pro-separatist organization functioning in the territory of the Cabinda enclave and its fractions. The article highlights the significance of the geopolitical factor and oil reserves and their influence on the situation in the province. It treats historical prerequisites and formal legal basis of the argument. The article analyzes the aim and methods of struggle used by separatists. It underlines the inconsistency of their actions aimed at challenging the government in Luanda. The article describes Angolan authorities’ views on the problem and dwells on some measures taken by the government to regulate the issue. The article assesses the development of the situation throughout recent years. It focuses on the regrouping of the separatist forces, on the creation of a new organization called Independence Movement of Cabinda, whose activists are involved in the political struggle and call for national self-determination. The article makes a few predictions associated with enclave-related developments.


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