scholarly journals Historical Politics at the Regional Level: Models, Goals and Actors

Author(s):  
Denis Dokuchaev

Historical politics at the regional level is, on the one hand, a particular pattern of politics of memory; however, on the other hand, it should be regarded as a combination of regional practices used by various actors to build the image of the past. Having recourse to history at the regional level means its incorporation in the image policy of the territory (including for promotion at the federal level, tourism development), at the same time, local history (and its interpretations) is involved in the process of regional identification. The main objective of the study is an attempt to analyse the use of the symbolic capital of regional history in the political agenda of local authorities at the present stage (in the 2010s), to determine the main actors and models of historical politics. As a result, four basic models of the history use at the regional level are identified: traditionalist, institutional, electoral-oriented and pragmatic ones. Each of these models of historical politics has its specific goals, certain objectives, diverse actors and methods. According to the findings, the change in historical politics models usually occurs during the transit of regional power.

Politeja ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (53) ◽  
pp. 127-149
Author(s):  
Tadeusz Kopyś

With the disintegration of Yugoslavia, all the balances in the Balkans were altered and the instability that arose from this process reached a level that threatened international peace. The historical ties between the peoples of Turkey and countries of the region have extended until today. There are Turkish minorities and communities as well as kin communities in the Balkan countries on the one hand; whereas there are citizens of Balkan‑origin in Turkey on the other. Turkey aims to initiate a psychological breakthrough in the Balkans to undo the negative memories of the past. At the regional level, Turkey follows three different sets of policies. The first is to develop bilateral relations to the possible highest extent. The second track is the creation of trilateral mechanisms, such as between Turkey, Serbia, and Bosnia; and Turkey, Croatia, and Bosnia‑Herzegovina. The third track aims to achieve region‑wide cooperation efforts and foster economic interdependence to secure the future of the political relations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 805-827 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Kenyon Lischer

AbstractAfter a genocide, leaders compete to fill the postwar power vacuum and establish their preferred story of the past. Memorialisation, including through building memorials, provides a cornerstone of political power. The dominant public narrative determines the plotline; it labels victims and perpetrators, interprets history, assigns meaning to suffering, and sets the post-atrocity political agenda. Therefore, ownership of the past, in terms of the public account, is deeply contested. Although many factors affect the emergence of a dominant atrocity narrative, this article highlights the role of international interactions with genocide memorials, particularly how Western visitors, funders, and consultants influence the government's narrative. Western consumption of memorials often reinforces aspects of dark tourism that dehumanise victims and discourage adequate context for the uninformed visitor. Funding and consultation provided by Western states and organisations – while offering distinct benefits – tends to encourage a homogenised atrocity narrative, which reflects the values of the global human rights regime and existing standards of memorial design rather than privileging the local particularities of the atrocity experience. As shown in the cases of Rwanda, Cambodia, and Bosnia, Western involvement in public memory projects often strengthens the power of government narratives, which control the present by controlling the past.


Author(s):  
Ron Formisano

Almost all studies of the nation’s extreme inequality of income and wealth have overlooked a critical, overarching cause of the creation of The New Gilded Age. The permanent political class has driven and sustained economic and political inequality not only with the government policies it has crafted over the past four decades. It has created inequality by becoming a self-dealing, self-serving nepotistic oligarchy that is enabling the One Percent and the .01 Percent to create an American aristocracy of wealth. American Oligarchy describes a multifaceted culture of self-dealing and corruption reaching into every sector of American society. The political class’s direct creation of economic inequality by channeling the flow of income and wealth to elites, has been described extensively; less exposed has been how its self-aggrandizement indirectly—but hidden in plain sight—creates a culture of corruption that infects the entire society.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Winfried Böttcher

In retrospect, the decade from 2010 to 2020 has provoked a crisis in human progress. In this book, the author proves this thesis using six occurrences, while also paying particular atten-tion to Europe’s role in relation to them: the refugee crisis the conflict in Ukraine Brexit the environment as a political issue nationalism the new coronavirus These six examples, which have had a staggering influence on the past decade, will also de-termine the political agenda in the coming decade. In view of this, the European Union has no future in its current state and thus needs to be reconceived.


1989 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 264-282
Author(s):  
François Furet

I SHOULD LIKE TO START WITH AN EXTREMELY SIMPLE STATEment about the French Revolution. This is that there are many historical arguments among historians on many subjects, but that none of these arguments is so intense and so heated as the one which takes place in every generation about the French Revolution. It is as though the historical interpretation of this particular subject and the arguments of specialists directly reflect the political struggles and the gamble for power. It is true that we are all aware today that there are no unbiased historical interpretations: the selection of facts which provide the raw material for the historian's work is already the result of a choice, even although that choice is not an explicit one. To some extent, history is always the result of a relationship between the present and the past and more specifically between the characteristics of an individual and the vast realm of his possible roots in the past. But, nevertheless, even within this relative framework, not all the themes of history are equally relevant to the present interests of the historian and to the passions of his public.


Author(s):  
الجمعي بولعراس (al-Jamie Boulares) ◽  
ناصـر الغالي (Nasser al-Ghaliy)

ملخص البحثكثُر الكلام عن اللغة السياسية والدعائية بعد أحداث 11 سبتمبر، وطرأت مصطلحات وتعبيرات وأنماط لغوية جديدة تصادمت فيها مع خلفيات متلقي الخطاب وما تحمله  ذاكرتهم من مدلولات سابقة، ومن ثم، نُسجت خيوط اللغة الجديدة المعاصرة، وظلت بعيدة تراوح ردحا من الزمن محاريب السياسة والإعلام والدعاية، ثم إن  الماسك بزمام التوجه اللغوي المعاصر هو الذي أفلح في احتواء الشارع العربي بحثا عن المفاهيم المختلفة، وفي غياب تنمية لغوية حركية وتبرز هوية قائلها في الزمن، وتتحدى عوائق القواميس الانتقائية والنخبوية والمهمشة للأنا والذات، وبحثا عن مستقبل تتحكم فيه عوامل البقاء اللساني في ظل الصراع الحضاري والفكري والسياسي والاقتصادي وذلك كما نتصور بغربلة الزخم اللغوي العربي لاحتواء الواقع الحضاري للأمة ومستحثات الهزات الاجتماعية لتتأقلم بالمستجدات، ويحتاج هذا جهدا لامتلاك ناصية اللغة الجديدة التي توصف بالتمرد على الماضي، وفي الوقت نفسه تريد أن لا تتجرد منه واللغة الجديدة هي نتاج الحراك اللساني المعاصر، وهي لغة التداول اللغوي ولغة المصطلحات المعاصرة، وهي لغة الدعاية والتعبيرات الاصطلاحية الجديدة ولغة الخطاب السياسي المعاصر. وصل البحث إلى بعض النتائج ومن أهمها: وجوب إعادة قواعد وأنظمة سيميائية للغة الخطاب السياسي، توغل الإعلاميين في المصطلحات والتعابير مثل السياسيين.الكلمات المفتاحية: اللغة العربية-العبارة الاصطلاحية- تلقي العبارة السياسية-سياسة العبارة-لعبة السياسةAbstractThere have been a lot of talks about political language and propaganda after the 11 September incident that had led to the application of new terminologies, expressions and language variations in contrast with what were associated with these words previously in the minds of the recipient. Hence,  new strings of language were woven but nonetheless they remained far from being acquainted with the political and propaganda discourses. The one who is responsible in language policy is the one who is successful in including the language of the streets to explore its various concepts. This is in the absence of the growth of language movements, language personalities, and the challenges of  discovering self-identity and in the efforts to search of the future that is characterized by the elements of language survival in the face of the clashes of civilization, thinking, political and economy. In addition to that, the inner conflicts that are witnessed by the Arab world to adapt to the arising matters and issues. This effort will entail to overcome the new direction in language that is vicious toward the past and at the time try to accommodative to the new and contemporary. The research has concluded that: semiotic rules and regulations of political speech should be reviewed, so as for mass media to penetrate deeply in the technical meanings and expression like the politicians.Keywords: Arabic Language – Terminological phrases –reception of political expressions - politics of phrases – politics games.AbstrakTerdapat banyak perbincangan tentang bahasa politik dan propaganda selepas kejadian 11 September, dan telah timbul pelbagai istilah, pernyataan dan bentuk bahasa baru yang bercanggah dengan pengetahuan latarbelakang pendengar serta apa yang telah mereka fahami sebelum ini.  Ia seperti menenunbah asabaru dan terkini, meninggalkan jarak untuk begitu lama yang mencorakkan pembentukan dasar, perjalanan media dan propaganda. Namun, pihak yang menguasai retraktororientasi linguistic terkini itulah yang akan menentukan kandungan perjalanan bahasa Arab dalam pencarian konsep yang berbeza dengan ketiadaan mobility perkembangan liguistik, seterusnya memartabatkan identity pengguna bahasa tersebut.  Sementara beberapa kamus tertentu yang bersifat elitism dan terpinggir pula mencabar keegoan dan diri. Dalam mencari masa depan, factor lisan bersifat mampu saing memainkan peranan penting dalam aruskonflik tamadun, pemikiran, politik dan ekonomi ini dalam menapis momentum bahasa agar mencaku pirealiti tamadun semasa serta kejutan sosial yang teraruh supaya bersesuaian dengan keadaan semasa. Ini memerlukan kesungguhan penguasaan bahasa baru yang tersimpang dari pada yang dulu, dan pada masa yang sama ia tidak terpisah dari pada yang lama.  Bahasa baru ialah hasil pergerakan bahasa semasa, bahasa perundingan dan bahasa istilah semasa.  Ia adalah bahasa propaganda, pernyataan beristilah yang baru dan bahasa wacana politik semasa.  Antara dapatan penting kajian ialah: semakan semula nahu dan prosidur semantic bagi bahasa wacana politik, pihak media mendalami penggunaan istilah serta pernyataan dalam politik.Kata kunci: Bahasa Arab – pernyataan beristilah – pemahaman pernyataan politik – politik pernyataan – permainan politik


2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vlasta Jalušič

Reinhard Koselleck has long been regarded as a particularly eminent theorist of socio-political concepts, while Hannah Arendt had not been in focus as a conceptual author until recent times. This article explores the common thinking space between Arendt and Koselleck through their thesis about the gap, rupture, crisis, or break in the tradition of political thinking and historical periods and how this is linked to their notion of conceptuality, i.e. Begreifen (understanding). Despite the impression that each of them focused on the one main break between the past and the future, Arendt and Koselleck both studied multiple breaks and crises in the Western political tradition. The article attempts to show how their distinctive thinking and rethinking of political concepts (Begreifen) are related to these breaks through several direct and indirect encounters and how these are both close and apart at the same time. While they have different concepts of politics and the political, their understanding of the breaks in time and crises can be read as complementary, especially considering their concern with returning the responsibility for actions and concepts to the human sphere.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetiana Bevz

The article analyzes the role of regional political elites of Sumy region in the actualization of historical memory. It was noted that the politics of memory is a symbolic resource of regional political elites. It was shown that regional political elites, on the one hand, «can create a favorable ground for the growth of multiple identities», and on the other – «are able to stimulate the growth of polar and conflicting identities». Emphasis was placed on the fact that the historical past becomes the ideological present. It was shown that the basic factor for the regional political elite of Sumy region in the processes of actualization of historical memory was the symbolic representation of the past, first of all, the history of the region. It was determined that memory is designed not only to reflect the past, but also to form its meaning for the present. In today's world, there is a great public demand for the formation, restoration, preservation, transmission, reading and affirmation of historical memory. And in this context, the urgent need for the central government and the regional political elite was the need to actively shape a nationwide policy of historical memory.


2019 ◽  
pp. 34-39
Author(s):  
I. D. Matskulyak ◽  
G. N. Bogacheva ◽  
B. A. Denisov

A number of aspects of the change of the political and economic relations, apparent by the sanctions policy of the western states to the Russian Federation and its realization, has been considered. The balance between the liberty, equality and fraternity, the perfect competition and free business, on the one hand, and the competition of smothering, ball and chain, on the other hand, – has been disclosed. It has been substantiated, that the western states seek to substitute the colonial influence in the past for sanctions pressure in our days. It allows them to get not only the competitive advantage, but also to obtain the absolute dictatorship sometimes. The conclusion has been made, that external intervention in the natural course of managing and especially the rough administrative influence never gives a positive effect.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document