scholarly journals Electoral Process using Biometric Fingerprint Scanner that Suits the Bhutanese Election

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (VII) ◽  
pp. 168-180
Author(s):  
Younten Tshering
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Internet Voting ◽  
Display Unit ◽  
Central Database ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Election Commission

Democracy is a gift from the golden throne; from 2008, Bhutanese people started to choose their leader by casting a vote. The right to vote and more importantly the exercise of franchise by the eligible citizens is the heart of every democracy [1]. Through this exercise of their right to vote have the ultimate power to shape the destiny of country by electing representatives who run the government and make decisions for the growth, development, and benefit of all the citizens. However, the voter turnout seems to be decreasing at an alarming rate based on the Election Commission of Bhutan [5]. This paper proposes an electoral process aiming at better voter turnout. It replaces whole electoral system using Biometric Fingerprint scanner for the voter authentication and a display unit connected to a central database which helps a voter to cast their vote from nearest polling station instead of having to go to his/her polling station to cast vote. It is a hybrid of internet voting and a traditional electronic voting method where the system uses electronic equipment at the nearest polling station to cast vote instead of using a personal laptop or mobile phone to cast vote using an app. The hybrid system is adopted with the major findings shown in “Internet Voting in Estonia” [13] which is a small country and suitable to adopt internet voting.

scholarly journals A Constitutional Dilemma: Local Elections amid of the Covid-19 Pandemic

Rechtsidee ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
H.P. Wiratraman ◽  
Risdiana Izzaty ◽  
Aldyan Faizal
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Right To Health ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Right To Life ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
Election Commission

On December 9, 2020, regional elections will be held simultaneously in 270 electoral districts across Indonesia. However, during this period the elections will be held amid the Covid-19 pandemic. This decision raised problems because the Government seemed to clash the protection of the right to health and the right to life due to the pandemic with political rights in the name of democracy. This clash ultimately created a constitutional dilemma. Elections has the potential to create election clusters considering the number of Covid-19 spread and transmission in Indonesia is still high and has not shown a significant decline. The General Election Commission (KPU) stated that the elections would implement health protocols. Nevertheless, holding elections is not just a matter of thorough preparation, but it is high risk, and also expensive. There will be a possible low voter turnout which could affect the legitimacy of the elections results. Facing this constitutional dilemma, an alternative to postponing elections through representative democracy can be an option. If it continues to be held, at least the Government must consider the safety of citizens first by controlling the Covid-19 pandemic, which clearly the mandate of constitutional rights as non-derogable rights, rights that cannot be reduced.

scholarly journals Neopatrimonialism and Party Clientelism

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teimuraz Kareli
Keyword(s):  
Social Groups ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
The Government ◽  
Basic Features ◽  
The Right ◽  
Party Dominance ◽  
Ruling Party

The article deals with the features of formation of the party systems in the post-Soviet space. To understand the specific processes, the attention is focused on the inverse logic of the post-Soviet states, the basic features of which can be expressed by the concept of neopatrimonialism. In this context the functioning features of political parties, their principal tasks and the logic of creating the "power party" are described. The article examines the key criteria for the concept of the dominant party, such as its ability to consistently and steadily win the elections, the significant duration of its stay in power, as well as its personnel Control over the government. In the sociopolitical discourse the "power party" enjoys a privileged ideological position and has more opportunities compared to its competitors to appeal to voters. Along with that the party dominance reveals itself not only in its external manifestation (the stay in power), but also in the substantial one – the ability to exercise an effective political choice. The article analyzes the factors of sustainability of the "power party" systems: the historical merits of the "power party"; the ruling party’s ability to effectively take advantage of the electoral system; its strong relationships with the most affluent social groups and major corporations, as well as with the predominant ethnic or linguistic social groups; a privileged access of the ruling party to media resources. These factors are also effective in the polycentric political systems without any dominant party. However, under the dominant party systems they manifest themselves in a complex way, providing the ruling camp with a multi-layered protection due to a synergy effect. Particular attention is paid to the phenomenon of clientelism, widely used by the ruling party as a strategy of political mobilization. However, if discrimination arose by clientelism reaches the level that denies clients the right to choose, this is certainly not consistent with the rules of democracy.

scholarly journals Maiden Partisan Rural Local Government Elections: Bangladesh Experience

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Md. Mashiur Rahman ◽  
Salma Nasrin
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Daily Newspapers ◽  
Grass Root ◽  
Grass Root Level ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
Election Commission

A paradigm shift in the political system has been taken in Bangladesh on 12 October, 2015 with the final approval by the Cabinet to hold local polls on partisan basis. The long historical practice of non-partisan local polls has been shifted to first ever partisan poll that brought major challenges for the existing confrontational political parties of Bangladesh. Ruling Bangladesh Awami League considered demonstrating its popularity at grass-root level and controlled all political institution through this election while Bangladesh Nationalist Party had opposed these partisan local government elections as a political trick with an ill motive by the government. For the first time in Independent Bangladesh, 9th Union Parishad[1](UP) election hold on partisan basis at six phases across the country from March to June 2016. The articles tried to explore the experiences of this maiden partisan UP polls and what are the immediate consequences on the local governance as well as electoral system through reviewing seceondary materials specially the Daily Newspapers. Unfortunately massive violence, record deaths and uncontested elected Chairman, election fraughts & irregularities, reluctant role of Election Commission, strong dominant of ruling party over electoral system were common phenomenon in this maiden partisan election.[1] Lowest tier of rural local government in Bangladesh.

scholarly journals Menakar Partisipasi Pemilih Pemula dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Masa Pandemi Covid-19

PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 286-297
Author(s):  
Khairunnisa Maulida ◽  
Hertanto Hertanto ◽  
Robi Cahyadi Kurniawan ◽  
Arizka Warganegara
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Public ◽  
Strategic Position ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Government

This article aims to measure the participation of novice voters in the regional head election during the Covid-19 pandemic in the election of mayor and deputy mayor in Bandar Lampung in 2020. The problem is focused on beginner voters who have a strategic position in the 2020 Bandar Lampung Election. beginners in the 2019 election is 20% of the total voter turnout as a whole. In order to approach this problem, Gabriel Almond's theoretical reference on forms of political participation is used. The data was collected through an online survey using google form and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that, first, 92% of respondents know that in December 2020 in Bandar Lampung there will be an election for Wakot and 79.5% of novice voters exercise their right to vote voluntarily. Second, 47.3% of novice voters have protested against policies made by the government and 70.5% of respondents did not participate in the public debate of the mayor and deputy mayor of Bandar Lampung in 2020. Third, novice voters in choosing a candidate for mayor and the deputy mayor is not influenced by money politics with a percentage of 96.4%. Fourth, 81.3% of novice voters answered that they were not influenced by their parents in using their right to vote and Awareness of novice voters using their right to vote as citizens was 97.3%.

The Right to Vote, Democracy, and the Electoral System

2005 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 111-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alistair M. Macleod ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right

The Philippine Congress and the Barrio Electoral Process

1971 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-125
Author(s):  
A. B. Villanueva
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Rural Villages ◽  
Unitary System ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
Administrative Code ◽  
The Right ◽  
Insight Into

Filipino barrios are mostly rural villages. They are, in legal parlance, the smallest political subdivisions in the Philippine system of local governments. Before the fifties barrio government was virtually non-existent. Although there were barrio lieutenants appointed by municipal mayors, it was not until the mid-fifties that councils began to give the barrios a semblance of government — mostly in form rather than in substance —similar to the commission plan of American local government. Under the unitary system of Filipino government, all local governments, except those in the chartered cities, are governed by the Revised Administrative Code. To give the barrio a government of its own and to grant its citizens the right to vote for their own officials would require an amendment to this Code by the Philippine Congress. Thus, the establishment of the first elective barrio councils in 1956 was the result of an amendment to an appropriate section of that Code. Later in 1959 the Philippine Congress became more generous by granting the barrios a general charter which defined in more definitive terms the scope and nature of barrio councils and the manner in which members of these councils were chosen. The purpose of this article is to identify the major issues on the barrio electoral process which confronted the Philippine Congress and to provide some insight into the manner in which these issues were resolved.

scholarly journals The webinar as means of realization of educational projects of public organization

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olena Voskoboinikova-Huzieva
Keyword(s):  
Department Of Education ◽  
Public Organization ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Continuous Education ◽  
Project Activity ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right

The article is sanctified to the analysis of efficiency ofrealization of вебінарів as forms of grant of educationalservice and realization publicly of important projects on theexample of activity of the Allukrainian public association the “Ukrainian library association”. An association develops continuous education, both inunderstanding of in-plant training of specialists of library-informative sphere and conducts the educational measuresoriented to the actual for the different categories of usersthemes. ULA has successful experience of project activity, together with British Advice in Ukraine participates in a project the “Active citizens”, is the performer of project “Culture of academic respectability: role of libraries” that are the constituent of general project of Assistance to academic respectability in Ukraine, that he will be realized by American advices from education at participation of Department of education and science of Ukraine and at support of Embassy of the USA in Ukraine. An author is carry out the review of various professionally andpublicly oriented, that will realize ULA, in particularsuch as a “e-book in a library” or cycle of webinar on aproject “Culture of academic respectability: role of libraries”. A basic accent is done on the analysis of cycle of webinar, that took place within the limits of realization of the project "Library and electoral process: teach librarians and electors of constitutional rights" (2014 - 2015). A project envisaged realization trainers main and regional тренінгових centers for librarians in every area of Ukraine of cycle from six webinar, that were oriented to the studies of citizens of Ukraine more effectively to realize the right to vote. In basis of webinar the operating by then normatively-legislative base of Ukraine was fixed in relation to elections. On statistics of project to such studies the over 5 thousand citizens of Ukraine became familiar with different age. Until now a videoarchive of webinar is accessible on youtube channel ULA. An author is offer recommendations for the interestedestablishments and organizations in realization of scaleallukrainian projects, where one of facilities of communicationand realization of project webinar comes forward. Recommendations take into account an organizational and methodical constituent, it is marked on the necessity of presence in organization of infrastructure and experience of successful partner project activity.

Modeling Threats of a Voting Method

2014 ◽  
pp. 128-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sven Heiberg ◽  
Jan Willemson
Keyword(s):  
Risk Assessment ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Proof Of Concept ◽  
Threat Modeling ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Internet Voting ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Voting Method

In Estonian Parliamentary elections held in 2011, the percentage of Internet voters among all the voters was as high as 24.3%. At the same time a student implemented a proof-of-concept malware which demonstrated the effective disenfranchisement of the voter from the right to vote. The chapter gives an overview of risk assessment and threat modeling of Estonian Internet voting after the events of 2011. The chapter presents a classification of attacks against the voting method, distinguishing between manipulation attacks, revocation attacks and attacks towards public confidence.

scholarly journals La reforma de la LOREG para el supuesto de convocatoria automática de elecciones en virtud del artículo 99.5 CE: ¿una oportuna adaptación técnica o una conculcación del derecho de sufragio? // The reform to the Spanish People Institutional Act (LOREG) for the automatic call of elections under article 99.5 CE: A timely technical adaptation or a breach of the right to vote?

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 541
Author(s):  
Rosario García Mahamut
Keyword(s):  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Domino Effect ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Electoral Campaigns ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
The People ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact

Resumen:Este trabajo aborda un análisis detallado de la LO 2/2016 de modificación de la Ley Orgánica del Régimen Electoral General (LOREG) para el supuesto de convocatoria automática de elecciones en virtud del artículo 99.5 CE. La nueva Disposición adicional séptima de la LOREG regula las especificidades procedimentales de un proceso electoral que, para este supuesto, dura 47 días en lugar de los 54 días. Se reduce el tiempo destinado a la campaña electoral y se establece una serie de medidas que permiten recurrir a trámites utilizados en el proceso electoral inmediatamente anterior. En este estudio se analizan pormenorizadamente aquellas especialidades procedimentales que, aunque revisten la apariencia de ajustes técnicos en el calendario electoral, pueden afectar de forma nuclear al contenido esencial del derecho de sufragio activo y pasivo amparado en el artículo 23 CE. Summary:I. Introduction. II. The formal and material peculiarities of the representation of the people institutional act 2/2016, october 31st, modifying the spanish «LOREG». 1. The drafting of the law and its contextualization in the calendar of the investiture process. 2. A synoptic overview of the material content of the reform. III. The serious incidents that the new additional seventh provision of the LOREG may add to the exercise of the voting rights act: 1. The length of theelectoral process, the domino effect and the legal anchorage of proceduralspecialities. 2. Presentation, publication and proclamation of candidacies: the difficult balance on gender equality. 3. The appeals against the proclamation of candidacies and candidates: The nonaffectation of the jurisdictional guarantees and the dangerous exception. 4. The impact of the reduction of the electoral process on the right to vote of the Spaniards Residents Abroad. Electoral campaigns: main developments and risks. IV. Conclusions.Abstract:This paper provides a detailed analysis of the current Act 2/2016, October 31st, modifying the Spanish People Institutional Act (LOREG) which regulates the organisation of the automatic call of an election under article 99.5 of the Spanish Constitution (CE). The new 7th Additional Provision of the Spanish «LOREG» examines the procedural specifities of an electoral process which, in this case, lasts 47 days instead of 54. On the one hand, the time assigned to the electoralcampaign is reduced and, on the other hand, a series of measures are provided in order to allow the implementation of the procedures used in the immediately preceding electoral process. This study analyses in detail those procedural singularities that, although they may seem as technical adjustments of the electoral timetable, they can directly affect the essential content of the right to vote and stand for election protected by artículo 23 CE.

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