scholarly journals The Implosion of Global Liberal World Order and Russian Foreign Policy: Dimensions, Tensions, and Prospects

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-475
Author(s):  
Lada V. Kochtcheeva

The world faces a strategic challenge of reforming the governance basis of international politics, which is displaying the symptoms of significant destabilization, searching for new ways of crafting nuanced equilibria of interests and capacity at the global, regional, and domestic levels. Developing intricate and adaptable formulas to manage individual facets of international engagement is becoming increasingly complex and volatile. The effects of instability vary in different countries, but the global operational and political space is increasingly determined by problems within countries, where external stress becomes a result of domestic discrepancies, aggravating them and producing a set of contradictions. In the context of profound global transformations, what explains Russia’s status and positioning in the world? This article argues that as states are struggling to adapt to new realities and acquire capabilities in an effort to survive or gain more influence, Russia’s standing will depend on how adequately it can respond to the challenges and how effectively it will be able to use its advantages. Russia should not simply take in the results of global turbulence, but rather employ and actively develop areas of leadership and collaboration, by tying foreign policy firmly to the priorities of domestic development. While Russia conducts an active foreign policy consistently defending its interests and combining efforts to find optimal solutions to many contemporary problems, it has not yet arrived at a coherent security strategy or produced a vision of a future world order. The success may depend on understanding of the current trends, recognizing opportunities and demonstrating leadership, willingness to share in responsibility for results, as well as conducting essential domestic reforms.

Napredak ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-16
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Bocan-Harčenko

The article outlines the basic principles of Russian foreign policy and traces their implementation in the context of the strategic partnership between Russia and Serbia. In 2020, the world celebrates related jubilees, the 75th anniversary of the Victory in the Second World War and the establishment of the UN. Russia, as one of the principal architects of the World Organization, advocates the strengthening of the UN central role in international affairs and fostering a polycentric and fair world order based on the rule of international law, primarily the UN Charter. Harmonization of integration processes in various parts of the world is essential. To that end, President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin introduced the initiative of the Greater Eurasian Partnership. Conscious of its special responsibility for maintaining peace and security, Russia is committed to promoting political and diplomatic settlement of crises and working with all interested countries in order to build a global common space of equal and indivisible security and strategic stability. Russia aims at further dynamic development of mutually beneficial cooperation with Serbia across a wide range of fields. A trust-based high-level political dialogue plays the decisive role. Russian stance on the Kosovo settlement remains unchanged and is based on UN SC Resolution 1244.


Author(s):  
Makar Taran

Both at the level of political ideology and in the practical sphere, the American strategy of China’s engagement was a part of a global construction of a new architecture of the world order, based on the liberal-democratic political values but at the same time in line with American leadership. The engagement was in many ways reminiscent of Obama’s strategy of «reset» in relations with Russia, especially in terms of achieving qualitative domestic political changes through dialogue and cooperation. However, the conceptualization of the Trump’s administration China’ policy approaches led to some radical revisions of the American philosophy of international cooperation were made. The objectives of the proposed paper aligned with answering the following research questions: What was wrong with the U.S. engagement strategy toward China evolved over the past decades? What are the implications of the U.S. China policy for Taiwan as well as the world at large (comparing with impact on U.S. policy towards Russia and its regional behavior regarding to Ukraine)? Will engagement be restarted or drastically reevaluated? The methods we employed to do the research: comparative case study that is widely using in International Security studies analyzing issue within a situation or framework. Another method of qualitative methodology approach is a thematic analysis method. The scientific novelty. Assuming that the model of cooperative engagement has largely exhausted itself in terms of the strategic objectives of each party we also emphasize that the model has led to the erosion of the possibility of critical US influence on key regions of the world. Conclusions. It is somewhat paradoxical that a result of US cooperative approaches has brought about greater vulnerability of US formal and informal allies. Chinese and Russian foreign policy strategies have not changed significantly, and have attached even more on the main objects of a kind of historical revenge – Taiwan and Ukraine. Chinese and Russian foreign policy values in terms of waning «Western influences» have grown into offensive political realism. Which, in particular, was generated of sensitivity to the growing US influence in the post-bipolar world.


Upravlenie ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 116-122
Author(s):  
Sadeghi Elham Mir Mohammad ◽  
Ahmad Vakhshitekh

The article considers and analyses the basic principles and directions of Russian foreign policy activities during the presidency of V.V. Putin from the moment of his assumption of the post of head of state to the current presidential term. The authors determine the basic principles of Russia's foreign policy in the specified period and make the assessment to them. The study uses materials from publications of both Russian and foreign authors, experts in the field of political science, history and international relations, as well as documents regulating the foreign policy activities of the highest state authorities. The paper considers the process of forming the priorities of Russia's foreign policy both from the point of view of accumulated historical experience and continuity of the internal order, and in parallel with the processes of transformation of the entire system of international relations and the world order. The article notes the multi-vector nature of Russia's foreign policy strategy aimed at developing multilateral interstate relations, achieving peace and security in the interstate arena, actively countering modern challenges and threats to interstate security, as well as the formation of a multipolar world. The authors conclude that at present, Russia's foreign policy activity is aimed at strengthening Russia's prestige, supporting economic growth and competitiveness, ensuring security and implementing national interests. Internal political reforms contribute to strengthening the political power of the President of the Russian Federation and increasing the efficiency of foreign policy decision-making.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-135
Author(s):  
Andrew M. Akin

An ever-growing body of scholarship on Russian foreign policy focuses attention to redefining concepts such as sovereignty and power. Aggressive and successful Russian foreign policy initiatives in the last decade give urgency and relevancy to such initiatives, from invading Georgia to deploying an aircraft carrier to support ground operations in Syria. While these proactive Russian foreign policies may characterize a reclamation of Russia’s great power status in the international community, I argue that the goal of Russia’s foreign policy is to create a new system, not beholden to the u.s.-led Western world. By undermining the legitimacy of Western style democracy and pushing the boundaries of existing norms in the international community, Russian President Vladimir Putin offers a new construct for international relations: the polycentric world order. Using Role Theory, I discuss the domestic and international pressures on the Russian state to create its identity and the evolution of Russian roles in previous international systems. Formal leader statements and official policy documents provide evidence of the changing roles Russia plays in the international arena, while role theory provides an explanatory context for the purpose of new Russian foreign policy.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2(71)) ◽  
pp. 149-170
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Gruszko

Human rights in international relations are defined by the boundaries between individual states and regions, as well as the most important theories of international relations. The assumption of their universal character often finds no reflection in the foreign policy of states, especially the strongest ones. The most important players and theories do not question the existence of human rights as such, however, their role and place in international relations are interpreted differently. Human rights in Hong Kong, the meeting place of the West and Confucianism in the context of globalization, may become the litmus test of the intentions of the world powers and their vision of a World Order in regard to human rights.


Author(s):  
Erhan Büyükakıncı

In this paper, we try how the idea of economic regionalism has developed within the framework of the interests of the Russian foreign policy, which adopted a Eurasianist rhetoric for nearly fifteen years. As the trends of globalisation spread over the world after the end of the Cold War period, the regional integration movements also gained speed with different forms and contents. Meanwhile the countries in the post-Soviet geography adopted different political approaches towards regionalisation and globalisation by taking into consideration their own capabilities and interests. At its own side, Russia was in search of integration within the world economy by trying to implement its own regionalist policies both at the level of the CIS area and with the neighbouring countries like China and the EU. The Eurasianist discourse has no doubt such impact on Russian leadership’s choices of partners and orientations for economic regionalisation. At this point, we want to discuss if it is possible to talk about some “Eurasianist model of regional integration” as a new idea which can combine, at one side, the institutional integration process within the CIS area and, at the other, the strong regional cooperation with the Asian economic partners like China. This model can be also Russia’s answer to embrace both globalism and regionalism by preserving its own hegemonic expectations after the Soviet legacy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 65-69
Author(s):  
Dmitrii N. Khristenko

The article examines the foreign policy concept of the «new world order» of George Herbert Walker Bush, which he put forward during the Gulf War (1990-1991). Despite its short duration, the Middle East conflict has become a symbol of the transformation of international relations initiated by the crisis of the bipolar system and arising of the United States as the main military and political world power. Consequently, Washington sought to rethink its role in the world arena. This task was intended to solve by the concept of a «new world order». The main sources for this article were the memoirs of the former American president and James Addison Baker III (U.S. Secretary of State), documents of White House’ administration, as well as publications of «Foreign Affairs» – the most influential journal on international relations in the United States. The research methodology includes the space-time analysis of Fernand Paul Achille Braudel, historical-descriptive and historical-genetic methods. It is noted that the foreign policy concept of a «new world order» was in the centre of public attention and caused a heated discussion in the United States, as a result of which was rejected its main element – reliance on allies and the rule of international law. The attempts of Russian diplomacy to propose a corrected interpretation of the concept of a «new world order» did not meet the understanding overseas. Washington took a course towards sole leadership in the world that triggered the deterioration of the state of affairs in the world arena in the long term.


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