scholarly journals Economic Regionalisation in the Russian Foreign Policy: Is it Possible to talk about the Eurasianist Model of Integration?

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erhan Büyükakıncı
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Institutional Integration ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
The World ◽  
Soviet Legacy ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Eu

In this paper, we try how the idea of economic regionalism has developed within the framework of the interests of the Russian foreign policy, which adopted a Eurasianist rhetoric for nearly fifteen years. As the trends of globalisation spread over the world after the end of the Cold War period, the regional integration movements also gained speed with different forms and contents. Meanwhile the countries in the post-Soviet geography adopted different political approaches towards regionalisation and globalisation by taking into consideration their own capabilities and interests. At its own side, Russia was in search of integration within the world economy by trying to implement its own regionalist policies both at the level of the CIS area and with the neighbouring countries like China and the EU. The Eurasianist discourse has no doubt such impact on Russian leadership’s choices of partners and orientations for economic regionalisation. At this point, we want to discuss if it is possible to talk about some “Eurasianist model of regional integration” as a new idea which can combine, at one side, the institutional integration process within the CIS area and, at the other, the strong regional cooperation with the Asian economic partners like China. This model can be also Russia’s answer to embrace both globalism and regionalism by preserving its own hegemonic expectations after the Soviet legacy.

scholarly journals The Idea of a “Greater Europe” in Russian Foreign Policy: Past and Present

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 438-447
Author(s):  
Anatoly V. Tsvyk ◽  
Konstantin P. Kurylev
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The World ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
The Eu

This article examines the notion of a Greater Europe in Russian foreign policy from the 1990s to the present. The idea developed as the Russian government sought to establish its national and civilizational identy in the wake of the USSRs dissolution. At the turn of the 21st century, Moscow embraced the idea of a rapprochement with the rest of Europe. Pursuing the notion of Greater Europe, to create a single continental economic, political and cultural space, became a major diplomatic objective as it developed a strategic partnership with the European Union. However, in more recent years its outlook on the world has changed. Furthermore, after relations with Brussels deteriorated in the wake of the Ukrainian crisis and the latters imposition of sanctions has also affected Russian foreign policy. This article considers the emergence and evolution of the idea of a Greater Europe, and examines possible ways to realize this ambition. It argues that a EAEU-EU combination could become a basis for implementing this concept. However, any potential rapprochement can only be possible when the political barriers the EU established in its relations with Russia and the EAEU are removed.

Erosion of “Swedish Model” and Devaluation of the Non-Alignment Policy

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (12) ◽  
pp. 48-57
Author(s):  
K. Voronov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Economic Trend ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Swedish Model ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
The Eu

The erosion of the socio-economic “Swedish model” and the reduction of non-alignment in the national foreign policy have been and is taking place in history and politics simultaneously, exerting a fatal mutual interaction. The derived deviations are leading to a radical alteration of Sweden’s image, of its previous national and international specificity. The degradation of the “Swedish model” has been taking place as a result of activity of intrinsic forces and factors closely connected with structural social problems, matters of national economy efficiency and adaptation to world economy requirements, to processes of globalization. The general destructive transformation, a big number of qualitative doctrinal and institutional changes taking place since 1990s till now in the framework of the “Swedish model” is also linked with the condition of internal strife and alignment of political party forces in the country, aiming at finding an adequate answer to new challenges of the 21st century. The events of Ukrainian crisis (particularly concerning Crimea and Donetsk Basin) apparently influenced Sweden, politically resounding with a known painful historical “Poltava syndrome”. Although the incorporation of Sweden (as well as that of other small Nordic states) in European regional and Nordic sub-regional integration processes reflects the principal objective economic trend to internationalization of the world economy, the forms, rates and prospects of political integration into the EU sometimes generate objections, resistance and even disapproval of state institutions by a part of society in connection with external as well as internal socioeconomic reasons (particularly in terms of the “Swedish model” acute agenda). The loss of the famous features of Sweden’s international policy, especially after its accession to the European Community/European Union, as well as its leveling led to the loss of the original political role of the country in the Northern sub-region and in Europe at large. Immanent undermining, washing out of fundamental guarantees in the Swedish policy of neutrality pushes Stockholm forward to shameless convergence with Euro-Atlantic partners and their alliances – the EU and NATO. To all appearances, a complicated search is going on in the country – the search of a new socioeconomic model, of the foreign policy and the national security policy modification.

scholarly journals Russian Policy in the Balkans: Current Situation and Perspectives

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-99
Author(s):  
K. Khudolei ◽  
E. Koloskov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
The West ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Further Development ◽  
The Eu

The article discusses the current situation and prospects of Russian policy in the Balkans. Officially, today, the Balkans are not assigned to the priorities of the Russian foreign policy, but there is one of the lines of the “Cool War” against the West. It is Russia’s desire to oppose the expansion of NATO and the EU, to create an infrastructure for the transportation of energy resources; it is also the emergence of sanctions and counter-sanctions. The purpose of this article is to characterize the foreign policy of the Russian Federation in the Balkans in the context of the current confrontation between Russia and the West. The authors try to identify possible scenarios for further development of international relations in the region. The term “Cool War” is used as the most accurate for characterizing the confrontation between Russia and the West, because – the authors believe – it differs from the “Cold War” in content, directions and its severity, although it is waged with the same methods and tools. The analysis of the Russian foreign policy in the Balkans and the method of constructing scenarios are used in the article as a research methodology. In this paper, five groups of states are distinguished in the Balkans according to their relations with Russia. Also it is assumed that three scenarios are possible in the future: weakening of Russia’s position, its maintaining at the current level, and its strengthening. This will largely depend on the confrontation degree and Russia’s activity, especially in the economic and humanitarian spheres.

scholarly journals Regional Cooperation of the Post‑Soviet Countries – Can it Be Influenced by the Structure of the Economy?

2016 ◽  
Vol 64 (6) ◽  
pp. 1843-1856
Author(s):  
Irena Benešová ◽  
Luboš Smutka ◽  
Lenka Rumánková ◽  
Adriana Laputková ◽  
Zuzana Novotná
Keyword(s):  
Regional Integration ◽  
Private Consumption ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
External Environment ◽  
Negative Contribution ◽  
Primary Products ◽  
The World ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Business Cycle

In recent decades, economic development has largely been influenced by globalisation of the world economy. Regional cooperation represents a certain alternative for the ongoing globalisation and concerns establishment of geographically larger markets. Through regional integration, countries are better able to react to changes in the external environment and therefore a larger market scale enables better marketing opportunities. The conclusion of this research is the fact that despite significant differences between, for example, GDP per capita or the economic growth, there is still similarity in the business cycle or even GDP creation when private consumption and stockbuilding play the key role. In addition, most of the countries mentioned have a negative contribution of export to their GDP, which is closely related to the structure of export itself and its dependency on primary products.

Upheaval in the distribution of power in the world economy: Problems and outlook of the world economy to 2050

2017 ◽  
pp. 114-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Klinov
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
International Trade ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Emerging Market ◽  
Detailed Review ◽  
Depressed State ◽  
Industry Output ◽  
The World ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
The Eu

Causes of upheaval in the distribution of power among large advanced and emerging market economies in the XXI century, especially in industry output and international trade, are a topic of the paper. Problems of employment, financialization and income distribution inequality as consequences of globalization are identified as the most important. Causes of the depressed state of the EU and the eurozone are presented in a detailed review. In this content, PwC forecast of changes in the world economy by 2050, to the author’s view, optimistically provides for wise and diligent economic policy.

Hegemonic Disarray—American Internationalisms and World Disorder

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Deudney
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Order ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
At Home

The end of the Cold War left the USA as uncontested hegemon and shaper of the globalization and international order. Yet the international order has been unintentionally but repeatedly shaken by American interventionism and affronts to both allies and rivals. This is particularly the case in the Middle East as the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as well as the nuclear negotiations with Iran show. Therefore, the once unquestioned authority and power of the USA have been challenged at home as well as abroad. By bringing disorder rather than order to the world, US behavior in these conflicts has also caused domestic exhaustion and division. This, in turn, has led to a more restrained and as of late isolationist foreign policy from the USA, leaving the role as shaper of the international order increasingly to others.

Russia and Peaceful Change

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrej Krickovic
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Unmet Expectations ◽  
Soviet Empire ◽  
Communist Movement ◽  
New Thinking ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Over Time

Over the last four decades, Russia has been at the very center of peaceful change in international relations. Gorbachev’s conciliatory New Thinking (NT) fundamentally transformed international relations, ending the Cold War struggle and dismantling the Soviet empire and world communist movement. Contemporary Russia is at the forefront of the transition away from American unipolarity and toward what is believed will be a more equitable and just multipolar order. Over time, Russia has moved away from the idealism that characterized Gorbachev’s NT and toward a more hard-nosed and confrontational approach toward peaceful change. The chapter traces this evolution with a particular emphasis on the role that Russia’s unmet expectations of reciprocity and elevated status have played in the process. If they are to be successful, future efforts at peaceful change will have to find ways to address these issues of reciprocity and status, especially under circumstances where there are power asymmetries between the side making concessions and the side receiving them. Nevertheless, despite its disappointments, Russia’s approach to change remains (largely) peaceful. Elements of NT, including its emphasis on interdependence, collective/mutual security, and faith in the possibility of positive transformation, continue to be present in modern Russian foreign policy thinking.

HYBRID VERSION OF UKRAINE TRANSITION FROM PERIPHERY OF WORLD-ECONOMY TO SEMI-PERIPHERY

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
World Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Considerable Time ◽  
Protracted Conflict ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Eu

The article examines the transition of Ukraine from the periphery of the modern world-economy to the semi-periphery. Several global variants of such a transition have been analysed and a hybrid version has been proposed. Based on the analysis of Ukrainian export-import operations, the conclusion of our previous work of Ukraine being one of the periphery states has been confirmed. According to the global practice, for such states, there are two options for the transition to the semi-periphery. The first of them is the implementation of such systemic reforms that will allow for a considerable time to redistribute profits from international operations in their favour. This option is implemented in two forms. The first is authoritarian modernization (examples – Singapore, China). The second is reforms carried out with the broad support of the countries of the centre (an example is the European and Euro-Atlantic integration of the Central Europe countries). The second option is cooperation with the hegemonic state (USA) in the field of security and maintenance of order, for which such a state receives various support and access to the American sales market (examples - South Korea, Japan and the FRG, partly Turkey and Chile). It was concluded that the above options are unacceptable in a difficult Ukrainian case (chronic under-reforming, low quality of the Ukrainian elite, internal problems in the EU and the United States, a protracted conflict with the Russian Federation, etc.), thus there is a need for such an option that would combine the elements of all of the above – that is, a hybrid one. The proposed option assumes, firstly, the introduction of qualitatively new representatives into the Ukrainian elite, capable for systemic reforms, secondly, the continuation of European integration efforts, thirdly, strengthening cooperation with the United States in the security sphere, and fourthly, the activation of regional integration projects (primarily with Turkey and Poland). If efforts in one of the designated areas fail, then resources can be redirected to activate others without wasting precious time. As a conclusion, it was stated that the proposed hybrid version of Ukraine’s transition from the periphery to the semi-periphery looks like the only realistic way for Ukraine.

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