scholarly journals Nation and Religion: towards Definition of Religious Nationalism

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-589
Author(s):  
Alexey V. Sitnikov

The aim of the article is to study the phenomenon of religious nationalism, i.e. cases when religion and nationalism are closely related and reinforce each other, and religious identity becomes an important and integral part of national identity. The author aims to analyze the political context of cases of religious nationalism in European countries, to describe their essential features and conditions of occurrence, and also to answer the question: are there any political reasons for religious nationalism? Considering the phenomenon of nationalism in the framework of the constructivist approach, the author also employs the methods of comparative analysis, using material from such countries as Ireland, Poland, Greece, the countries of the former Yugoslavia, as well as the Russian case taking place in the Chechen Republic. Summarizing these cases, the author describes the conditions for the emergence of an alliance of religion and nationalism. Firstly, it is a religious difference between neighboring communities. Secondly, it is a conflict between them, which contains a threat to identity. In these cases, religion becomes an important marker that distinguishes communities from each other, and begins to perform non-religious functions: the affirmation of national identity, ethnic pride, national honor, protection of sovereignty, and culture. Religious nationalism always stimulates growth of religious commitment of a nation, in which the number of believers may reach 90 percent. But this commitment is not individual, it is not based on a personal choice of faith, but collective and obligatory. Religious affiliation is dictated by loyalty to the nation.

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-26
Author(s):  
Melissa Dunlop

A personal choice taken within a specific sociopolitical context, now needs reevaluation, as the political framework shifts under the shadow of Brexit. I recall a life-changing decision made young, to move from Dublin to London for university and consequently to stay in the United Kingdom. I look back on my early experiences in London, on a sense of immersion within collectively shared European history, particularly the long shadow cast by the trauma of war. I examine my national and European identities, and how I grew to inhabit a hybrid, non-binary notion of national identity. I question my position and the effect a challenge to polarise identity has upon me and consider the value of maintaining presence as a complex, embodied self who holds a pluralistic notion of national identity as a strategy of resistance against discourses that seek to deny the existence of such subjectivities.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (21) ◽  
pp. 108-124
Author(s):  
CAMILA BUENO GREJO

A definição da nacionalidade argentina, especialmente após a consolidação do Estado nacional, em 1880, transformou-se em uma questão imperativa para a elite polá­tica e intelectual. Na Revista de Derecho, Historia y Letras (RDHL), periódico fundado e dirigido por Estanislao Zeballos, fica bastante evidente a necessidade não apenas de discutir a questão, mas, também, de apontar soluções que acenassem no sentido de contribuir para uma definição acerca daquele que era considerado o maior entrave á  construção da identidade nacional argentina: a imigração massiva. Neste artigo, buscaremos discutir o empenho de Zeballos para construir a almejada nação diante do grande afluxo de estrangeiros, bem como os instrumentos por ele utilizados, sua implicação na polá­tica nacional argentina e a repercussão que encontrou nas páginas da RDHL.Palavras-chave: Argentina. Zeballos. Imigração.A NATION OF FOREIGNERS: immigration in Revista de Derecho , Historia y Letras.Abstract: The definition of Argentine nationality, especially after the consolidation of the national state in 1880, became an imperative matter for the political and intellectual elite. In Revista de Derecho,   Historia y Letras (RDHL), journal founded and directed by Estanislao Zeballos, it is quite evident the need not only to discuss the issue, but also to point out solutions that could contribute to a definition about that one which was considered the biggest obstacle to the construction of Argentine national identity: mass immigration. In this article, we discuss the commitment of Zeballos to build the desired nation before the large influx of foreigners, as well as the instruments used by him, its implication in the Argentine national policy and the impact that it found in the pages of RDHL.Keywords: Argentine. Zeballos. Immigration.    UNA NACIÓN EXTRANJERA:  la inmigración en la Revista de Derecho , Historia y Letras.Resumen: La definición de la nacionalidad argentina, sobre todo después de la consolidación del Estado nacional en 1880, se convirtió en una cuestión fundamental para la élite polá­tica e intelectual. En Revista de Derecho, Historia y Letras (RDHL), revista fundada y dirigida por Estanislao Zeballos, es evidente la necesidad no sólo para discutir el tema, sino también para señalar soluciones que pudiesen contribuir a una definición sobre lo que podria ser visto como al respecto se consideró el mayor obstáculo para la construcción de la identidad nacional argentina: la inmigración masiva. En este artá­culo, analizamos el compromiso de Zeballos para construir la nación deseada antes de la gran afluencia de extranjeros, asá­ como los instrumentos utilizados por él, su implicación en la polá­tica nacional argentina y el impacto que se encuentra en las páginas de RDHL.    Palabras claves: Argentina. Zeballos. Inmigración.    


2004 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 469-478
Author(s):  
Francesca Locatelli

Eritrean independence in 1993 raised fundamental questions regarding the Eritrean past. Inevitably, scholars initially focused their analysis on the history of the Eritrean nationalist movement and liberation struggle. The long guerrilla war against the Ethiopian regime attracted the interest of numerous researchers, not only because of its implications for the redefinition of the political landscape of the Horn of Africa, but also because of the ways in which it had mobilized and reorganized Eritrean society. While this literature has shed much light upon interesting aspects of the political history of independent Eritrea, further investigation of the precolonial and colonial past is still required to gain a deeper understanding of the formation of Eritrean national identity in all its intricate facets.The question of Eritrean national identity is intimately connected to its colonial history, which in many ways remains marginalized in the analysis of Eritrean past. The Italian colonial period between 1890 and 1941 was a crucial moment in the definition of those social and political transformations which contributed to the formation of Eritrea-as-a-nation. Nevertheless, this historical phase remains underexplored. The colonial past has been an issue that European powers to varying extents have had to confront since the end of empire. Both historians of colonialism and Africanist historians have collaborated in the reconstruction of the past of colonized societies. In Italy this process remains in embryonic form. Many Africanist historians, such as Irma Taddia and Alessandro Triulzi, have already addressed the problem concerning the gaps left by Italian historiography on both the colonial past and the history of the colonized societies in its various aspects. As Triulzi points out, both practical and political reasons slowed the development of those debates that were emerging in the historiographies of other excolonial powers.


Genealogy ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 4
Author(s):  
Joyce Janca-Aji

This study engages some aspects of the conversations, implicit and explicit, between American(ized) Buddhism in non-heritage/convert communities and religious nationalism in the U.S. Specifically, how does a Buddhist understanding of emptiness and interdependence call into question some of the fundamental assumptions behind conflations of divine and political order, as expressed through ideologies of “God and Country”, or ideas about American providence or exceptionalism? What does belonging to a nation or transnational community mean when all individual and collective formations of identity are understood to be nonessential, contingent and impermanent? Finally, how can some of the discourses within American Buddhism contribute to a more inclusive national identity and a reconfigured understanding of the intersection of spiritual and national belonging? The focus here will be on exploring how an understanding of identity and lineage in Buddhist contexts offers a counter-narrative to the way national and spiritual belonging is expressed through tribalist formations of family genealogy, nationalism and transnational religious affiliation in the dominant Judeo-Christian context, and how this understanding has been, and is being, expressed in non-heritage American(ized) Buddhist communities.


Author(s):  
Raheleh Abbasinejad

In this paper, I analyze the nation-building project that the Islamic Republic of Iran has produced and reproduced in the past four decades. I explore the political, social, and economic processes contributing to the (un)doing of identity projects, by investigating the 2009 protests following the Iranian presidential election and analyzing the slogans shouted from both sides of the conflict. I analyze these slogans, their words, metaphors, and meanings embedded in them to extract various aspects of national identity imagery, ideologies, and discourses in Iran. I argue that the narratives that emerged during the political protests of the 2009 Iranian Green movement demonstrate the formation of a plural national identity in Iran, which allows for the inclusion of more and more citizens. I contextualize my questions in the post-Islamic Revolution time period and specifically in the last decade (2009 to the present), because this period has undergone multiple civic movements. I contend that by placing the Iranian Green Movement under scrutiny various dimensions of contemporary national discussions in Iran can be exposed; notably anticolonial nationalism (fear of foreign domination), religious nationalism (Islamic and Shia), and civic nationalism.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Troy Gibson ◽  
Christopher Hare

AbstractThis article examines the effect of religious affiliation and depth of religious commitment on the political behavior of Catholic Latinos, evangelical Latinos, and secular/unaffiliated Latinos. The culture war theory connects theological conservatism with political conservatism, but because prior research shows that minority groups often have alternate experiences with churches that place religious doctrine and teachings in varying political contexts, it is not clear that Latinos fit the culture war profile. We find that religious tradition and church attendance have an additive but differing impact on ideological and partisan identification as well as various policy preferences on social issues where culture war religious divisions are usually found (abortion, gay marriage, death penalty, and support for Israel) and other non-social issues (universal healthcare and taxing and spending). We find that religiosity has the greatest effect on the political behavior of evangelical Latinos, followed by secular/unaffiliated Latinos and committed Latino Catholics, and that religious tradition is largely consistent in moving evangelical Latinos to the political right and secular/unaffiliated Latinos to the political left.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristen Dalessandro

Drawing from in-depth interviews with undergraduates at a predominantly non-Hispanic white and secular university in the U.S., I investigate how those self-identified as both Hispanic and Catholic negotiate the identity statuses that classify them as minorities on their campus. While participants in this study who did not identify as Hispanic also did not make connections between religious affiliation and racial/ethnic group membership, most Hispanic undergraduates did make these connections. I found that self-identified Hispanic students used the meanings they attach to Catholic religious affiliation to help them also make sense of their racialized Hispanic identities in the university space. Despite coming from diverse geographic, social class, and cultural backgrounds, these students move toward creating a shared definition of what it means to be a racialized Hispanic person (or Latinx person with Spanish-speaking ancestors) in this particular collegiate context. I conclude with suggestions for future research.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ringo Ringvee

The article focuses on the relations between the state , mainstream religions and new religious movements in Estonia from the early 1990s until today. Estonia has been known as one of highly secular and religiously liberal countries. During the last twenty years Estonian religious scene has become considerably more pluralist, and there are many different religious traditions represented in Estonia. The governmental attitude toward new religious movements has been rather neutral, and the practice of multi-tier recognition of religious associations has not been introduced. As Estonia has been following neoliberal governance also in the field of religion, the idea that the religious market should regulate itself has been considered valid. Despite of the occasional conflicts between the parties in the early 1990s when the religious market was created the tensions did decrease in the following years. The article argues that one of the fundamental reasons for the liberal attitude towards different religious associations by the state and neutral coexistence of different traditions in society is that Estonian national identity does not overlap with any particular religious identity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (9) ◽  
pp. 1671-1694
Author(s):  
R.M. Mel'nikov

Subject. The article addresses the impact of religious confession on wages and the likelihood of unemployment in Russia. Objectives. The aim is to test the hypothesis that religious faith and high church attendance are accompanied by an increase in employment earnings. Methods. Using the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey data, I estimate the Mincer's extended equation with variables that characterize the respondent’s religious commitment. To assess the impact of religious identity and the activity rate of attendance at religious services on the likelihood of unemployment and life satisfaction, I use probit models. Results. The estimates demonstrate that the Russian labor market rewards men with moderate and high degree of religious commitment; their wage growth reaches seventeen percent of the level of non-believers with comparable education and work experience. However, faithful Muslim women are employed in the lowest paid areas. Religious faith and regular church attendance have a positive effect on satisfaction with life (significant for Orthodox Christian women). Conclusions. Positive impact of religious capital on income and employment can be attributed to the development of business qualities that are rewarded in the labor market, the mutual support of religious network participants. Therefore, it possible to consider religious capital, along with educational capital and health capital, as a component of human capital and a factor of socio-economic development.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.


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