scholarly journals US-VERSUS-THEM POLARIZATION IN THE US PRESIDENTIAL DEBATES OF 2000

Author(s):  
Denis S. Mukhortov ◽  
Elizaveta A. Zhovner

Political discourse as a specific sign system in which the meaning depends on the speaker’s intention tends to portray participants in terms of “us” versus “them”, which makes “us-versus-them” polarization one of the main distinguishing features of political discourse. The onset of the 21st century is a turning point in the history of geopolitics, which requires politicians to be more creative in search of vote-winning means. The pragmasemantic approach allows to study presidential debates between 1. Bush and Al Gore from the standpoint of semantics which studies meaning and which has been recently affected by pragmatics that deals with non-linguistic aspects of meaning such as the context of a situation and the speaker’s intention. The presidential debates of 2000 are a vivid illustration of how two opposing politicians strive to share the same objective though different language means. The contentanalysis program LIWC (Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count) was used in order to verify the results of research. The analysis of Pronouns, Positive/Negative Emotions, and Tense Focus through LIWC makes a contribution to political discourse studies. This article illustrate how various language means such as use of pronouns “we” and “they”, specific vocabulary and slogans, when grouped together, can appear to be an efficient research tactic.

2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-397
Author(s):  
Katie Day

Abstract This article serves as an introduction to faith-based community organizing and to this special issue of IJPT. First, an overview of the history of community organizing in the US includes introductions to the key figures (Saul Alinsky and Ed Chambers), organizing networks and methods currently employed. Then current challenges to community organizing are explored, such as technology, gender and race. Further, the rigid distinction between broad-based and issue organizing is challenged. Finally, the article notes that the impact of Barack Obama’s background as a community organizer on political discourse has raised the profile of this form of social mobilization, and it is reframing the questions raised for public theologians as community organizing moves into the future.


Author(s):  
Kalamu Ya Salaam ◽  
Jerry W. Ward Jr.

Salaam: We might call this the Sankofa Dialogue because we are looking back in order to orient ourselves as we move forward. Approximately eight years ago, in 2008, there was a great brouhaha and hope because of the upcoming election for the US presidency. For the first time in the history of the United States, a Black man—and it’s befitting that he was truly an African American—was running for office. We don’t generally have such pivotal moments in history, either as individuals or as a people.Ward: But I would suggest that in the closing months of the second term of President Obama, we had a devastatingly pivotal moment. As we scrutinize the behavior of Donald Trump, we ought also to be concerned about what is driving people who, under other circumstances, might have hesitated to elect a clown. Those voters were so full of disgust, disappointment, and dismay that they saw Trump as the Great White Hope. Many of the voters wanted a president who might restore the bogus privileges of “white superiority.”Salaam: I concur, but I would broaden the dialog a bit. I think this historic moment, this turning point, comes at a critical moment in what defines what it means to be American. I don’t think there’s a post-Obama era as such. I think Obama was just part of this era where we are grappling with what it means to be an American now that it no longer means what it has meant from the beginning of the United States up until Obama. We’re still struggling with that. What we see right now is a repetition of what happened at the closing of, and in the immediate follow-up to, the Civil War in terms of the identity questions that were being raised.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Navon

AbstractOtto Heller, the Austrian-Czech-German communist intellectual of Jewish origin, was known almost exclusively for his 1931 orthodox Marxist book, Der Untergang des Judentums (The Decline of Judaism). A recently rediscovered unpublished manuscript of a second book on the “Jewish Question,” written by Heller in 1939 and entitled Der Jude wird verbrannt (The Jew Is to Be Burned), sheds new light on the man and his work. Furthermore, the unknown manuscript, as one of the longest communist accounts of the Jewish Question and antisemitism from that period, reveals a substantial turning point in the history of the communist discussion on those issues. Existing scholarship has identified novel political stances among communists, such as recognizing the Jews as a nation and as unique victims of Nazism only from 1942 onwards. Although Heller did not express such far-reaching political views in this lost manuscript, he did introduce an original theoretical approach to the Jewish Question. This article analyzes Heller’s theoretical innovations as early intellectual precursors of later dramatic developments in the communist political discourse.


Author(s):  
Angelika Yanovets ◽  
Oksana Smal

The article examines and analyzes the linguistic and psychological features of political discourse using a computer-based Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) content analysis program to explore the relationship between political discourse and the personality of politicians. As for political discourse, it is perhaps the communicator, the linguistic personality, who plays the most important role in the communication. The linguistic personality of a politician is of particular interest in political discourse content-analysis, since it has the greatest influence on the public consciousness via mass media. Using text as a source of psychological and cognitive information has been gaining popularity. Researchers use a variety of methods to analyze texts, but Linguistic Inquiry Word Count (LIWC) has proved to be the most common technique. The analysis of linguistic patterns of political discourse shows that in the context of political speech events such as media interviews, politicians make a unique choice of lexical units, which can be interpreted as a manifestation of certain personality traits. However, despite the significance of the results, there are clear limitations to the use of computerized methodologies to make political discourse content-analysis, such as the limited interpretive capacity of software to understand pragmatic and contextual use of lexical units.


2018 ◽  
Vol 225 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Dr. Ahmed Shaker Abdel-Alak ◽  
Dr. Abdullah Lafteh Al-Budairi

Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi tried in his visit to Washington to give the impression to the US administration that he was able to protect the interests of the United States in Iran and in the whole Arabian Gulf and the Middle East. The visit of the Shah represented a new turning point in the history of the Iranian - US relations. It included the discussion of issues concerning both countries, especially the issue of arms and the production and sale of Iranian oil after the announcement of the British government's desire to withdraw from the Gulf region within three years. The American leaders focused on meeting the demands of the Shah, specifically the military ones, to discuss oil production topics and methods of exporting and cooperation with US oil companies, have expressed American sympathy in dealing with the many issues.


Migration and Modernities recovers a comparative literary history of migration by bringing together scholars from the US and Europe to explore the connections between migrant experiences and the uneven emergence of modernity. The collection initiates transnational, transcultural and interdisciplinary conversations about migration in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, demonstrating how mobility unsettles the geographic boundaries, temporal periodization, and racial categories we often use to organize literary and historical study. Migrants are by definition liminal, and many have existed historically in the spaces between nations, regions or ethnicities. In exploring these spaces, Migration and Modernities also investigates the origins of current debates about belonging, rights, and citizenship. Its chapters traverse the globe, revealing the experiences — real or imagined — of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century migrants, from dispossessed Native Americans to soldiers in South America, Turkish refugees to Scottish settlers. They explore the aesthetic and rhetorical frameworks used to represent migrant experiences during a time when imperial expansion and technological developments made the fortunes of some migrants and made exiles out of others. These frameworks continue to influence the narratives we tell ourselves about migration today and were crucial in producing a distinctively modern subjectivity in which mobility and rootlessness have become normative.


Author(s):  
Terence Young ◽  
Alan MacEachern ◽  
Lary Dilsaver

This essay explores the evolving international relationship of the two national park agencies that in 1968 began to offer joint training classes for protected-area managers from around the world. Within the British settler societies that dominated nineteenth century park-making, the United States’ National Park Service (NPS) and Canada’s National Parks Branch were the most closely linked and most frequently cooperative. Contrary to campfire myths and nationalist narratives, however, the relationship was not a one-way flow of information and motivation from the US to Canada. Indeed, the latter boasted a park bureaucracy before the NPS was established. The relationship of the two nations’ park leaders in the half century leading up to 1968 demonstrates the complexity of defining the influences on park management and its diffusion from one country to another.


Author(s):  
Danylo Kravets

The aim of the Ukrainian Bureau in Washington was propaganda of Ukrainian question among US government and American publicity in general. Functioning of the Bureau is not represented non in Ukrainian neither in foreign historiographies, so that’s why the main goal of presented paper is to investigate its activity. The research is based on personal papers of Ukrainian diaspora representatives (O. Granovskyi, E. Skotzko, E. Onatskyi) and articles from American and Ukrainian newspapers. The second mass immigration of Ukrainians to the US (1914‒1930s) has often been called the «military» immigration and what it lacked in numbers, it made up in quality. Most immigrants were educated, some with college degrees. The founder of the Ukrainian Bureau Eugene Skotzko was born near Western Ukrainian town of Zoloczhiv and immigrated to the United States in late 1920s after graduating from Lviv Polytechnic University. In New York he began to collaborate with OUN member O. Senyk-Hrabivskyi who gave E. Skotzko task to create informational bureau for propaganda of Ukrainian case. On March 23 1939 the Bureau was founded in Washington D. C. E. Skotzko was an editor of its Informational Bulletins. The Bureau biggest problem was lack of financial support. It was the main reason why it stopped functioning in May 1940. During 14 months of functioning Ukrainian Bureau in Washington posted dozens of informational bulletins and send it to hundreds of addressees; E. Skotzko, as a director, personally wrote to American governmental institutions and foreign diplomats informing about Ukrainian problem in Europe. Ukrainian Bureau activity is an inspiring example for those who care for informational policy of modern Ukraine.Keywords: Ukrainian small encyclopedia, Yevhen Onatsky, journalism, worldview, Ukrainian state. Keywords: Ukrainian Bureau in Washington, Eugene Skotzko, public opinion, history of journalism, diaspora.


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