VECTORS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF CIVIL SOCIETY AND PARTY-POLITICAL SYSTEM OF RUSSIA AS A RESULT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-174
Author(s):  
S.A. NIKONENKO ◽  
◽  
V.F. PENKOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
State Power ◽  
Institutional Development ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
The Subject ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
Political Configuration ◽  
The Impact

The purpose of the article is to consider the ongoing systemic transformations after the adoption of amendments to the Constitution of the country at the all-Russian Vote on July 1, 2020. In the course of reasoning, the processes under study were analyzed not from the legal side, but from the position of a political forecast of the vectors of development of civil society and the party-political configuration. The object is the process of changes in the party-political system of Russia and the development of civil society. The subject is the impact of the 2020 constitutional reform on civil society and the institutional development of partogenesis. Amendments to the Constitution adopted at the all-Russian Vote were a response to new challenges and prevention of potential social splits. The authors, using the method of electronic polling of twenty regional experts and the hardware of the program "Google-Form", received answers to questions covering important aspects of the development of society, the party system and state power. It can be argued that the 2020 constitutional reform laid the foundations for preventing divisions in civil society.

Back to the Westminster model? The Brexit process and the UK political system

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Westminster Model ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Quantitative Indicators ◽  
The Impact

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.

scholarly journals The impact of using proportional representation system on the fragmentation of the party system in Algeria. Applied to the elections of the National People’s Assembly (1997–2017)

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Mahmoud Mahgoub
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Effective Number ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Representation System ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Number Of Parties ◽  
The Impact

Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of using proportional representation system on the fragmentation of the party system in the Algerian political system within the period from 1997 to 2017, in which Algeria has experienced five legislative elections regularly every five years by testing a hypothesis about adopting the proportional representation system on the basis of the closed list during the foregoing legislative elections has obviously influenced the exacerbation of the Algerian party system’s fragmentation, compared to other factors. Design/methodology/approach The essence of the theoretical framework of this study is to address the effect of the electoral system as an independent variable on the party system as a dependent variable. The starting point for that framework is to reassess the “Duverger’s law,” which appeared since the early 1950s and has influenced the foregoing relationship, and then to review the literature on a new phase that tried to provide a more accurate mechanism for determining the number of parties and their relative weight, whether in terms of electoral votes or parliamentary seats. This means that researchers began to use a measure called the effective number of parties (ENP) for Laakso and Taagepera since 1979. The study elaborates the general concepts of the electoral system and the party system. It used Laakso, Taagepera index of the “ENP” to measure the phenomenon of fragmentation party during the five legislative elections from 1997 to 2017 in Algeria. Findings The results of the study reveal that the proportional representation electoral system – beside other factors – had clear impacts on the fragmentation of the Algerian party system by all standards, whether on the level of the apparent rise in the number of the parties represented in the Algerian parliament from 10 parties in 1997 election to 36 parties in 2017 election or according to the index of Laakso and Taagepera (ENP). The average number of effective number of electoral parties in the five elections was around 7.66, and the average number of effective number of parliamentary parties in the five elections was around 4.39, which puts Algeria in an advanced degree of the fragmentation of the party system. Originality/value This study about the phenomenon of the fragmentation of the party system, which is one of the new subjects in the field of comparative politics – globally and in the Arab world. Hence, the value of this study aims to shed light on this mysterious area of science, the fragmentation of the party system in the Algerian political system during the period from 1997 to 2017.

A Reply to J. A. A. Lovink, “On Analysing the Impact of the Electoral System on the Party System in Canada”

1970 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 517-521 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan C. Cairns
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Previous Article ◽  
Systematic Bias ◽  
Relative Paucity ◽  
Respective Treatment ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Academic Resources

Analysis of the Canadian political system has suffered from a relative paucity of competing interpretations of the same phenomena. Too many interpretations of our polity have gone unchallenged, probably on the assumption that our scarce academic resources should not be wasted on internecine controversy while virgin fields remain untapped. Professor Lovink's article is a hopeful indication that this stage of disciplinary immaturity is ending. His sophisticated dissection of my previous article is a helpful contribution to the discussion of the effects of the electoral system on the party system. These comments, by concentrating on some of the problems raised by Lovink, are designed to contribute to a further clarification.Initially, it can be noted, that the disagreement between us is not over the data dealing with votes and seats, but with the interpretation to be given the data. It was perhaps in the very nature of a somewhat polemical article attacking the “conventional wisdom” that I stressed the effects as I saw, or deduced, them, and in the nature of Lovink's rejoinder that the possible effects are minimized.This difference is noteworthy in our respective treatment of the electoral system's systematic bias against Conservative Quebec voters. The data indicate that the ratio of 5.6 Liberals to 1 Conservative mp resulted from a ratio of 1.9 Liberals to 1 Conservative voter. This struck me as pregnant with consequences for the party system, some of which I tried to suggest.

scholarly journals Democracy, Islam and Party System in Indonesia: towards a consensus-oriented model?

PCD Journal ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Pal Istvan Gyene
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Parliamentary Politics ◽  
Different Levels

This paper argues that the impact of “Islam” on the Indonesian political system is worth studying on three different levels: 1. society’s political divisions; 2. the party system 3. parliamentary politics. I contend that there is a specifically Indonesian “consensus-oriented” democracy model involved in the process—which is not, however, without Western predecessors—wherein political Islam and Islamist parties act not as destabilising factors but rather as “Muslim democratic” forces that strengthen democratic consensus in a manner similar to some “Western” Christian democratic parties. This research is based partly on a historical and, implicitly, comparative approach. It builds strongly on the theoretical framework and methodology of Sartori’s classic party system typology, Lijphardt’s “majoritarian” and “consensus-based” democracy model, and the so-called neo-institutionalist debate on the possible advantages and disadvantages of parliamentary and presidential governments.  

scholarly journals The Legacy of State Constitutional Conventions

1984 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 65-68
Author(s):  
Arthur English ◽  
John J. Carroll
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Mail Questionnaire ◽  
Constitutional Conventions ◽  
The Impact

Constitutional conventions are ephemeral institutions in a state's political system. Usually they meet for only a few months and their impact on the system is commonly measured by whether the draft document they produce is adopted in the ratifying election (Goodman, et al., August, 1973, pp.571-596). The purpose of this research is to investigate whether constitutional conventions leave a larger legacy by (a) serving as a recruitment vehicle by which delegates move to other elective offices and by (b) seeding the state with a continuing constitutionally attentive elite. These are particularly crucial questions for understanding the impact of constitutional conventions in states where draft documents were defeated. We have data from the two most recent efforts at comprehensive constitutional reform in Arkansas. Both the 1969-70 and 1979-80 Arkansas constitutional conventions produced substantial revisions of the existing 1874 Constitution which were rejected by the electorate. We interviewed 80 of 95 lining delegates to the 1969-70 convention and 59 of 98 living delegates to the 1979-80 convention. A mail questionnaire yielded 60 responses from delegates to the earlier convention. An additional 20 interviews were completed by phone. All of the 1979-80 delegates responded to the mail questionnaire.

The Impact of Web 2.0 on E-Commerce Adoption and Use by Tourism Businesses – Can SMMEs Play the Trick?

2018 ◽  
pp. 1069-1093
Author(s):  
Pardon Blessings Maoneke ◽  
Naomi Isabirye
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Web 2.0 ◽  
Success Factors ◽  
It Adoption ◽  
Critical Success ◽  
Tourism Sector ◽  
The Subject ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
The Impact

The subject of Information Technology (IT) adoption and use has been going on for some time (Jeyaraj & Sabherwal, 2008). In particular, to electronic commerce (e-Commerce) adoption and use, the invention of Web 2.0 presents new technological features for potential and current e-Commerce adopters as well as new challenges. With Web 2.0, customers' perceptions, preferences and decisions are not only based on information presented on e-Commerce websites, but are also influenced by content generated by people on social networks and interactive e-Commerce websites. This poses the following question: how can Small, Medium and Micro-Sized Enterprises in the tourism sector (tourism SMMEs) keep up with these technological advancements given their limited resources? Accordingly, this book chapter proposes a framework that shows challenges and incentives (critical success factors) of e-Commerce, identifies e-Commerce platforms tourism SMMEs should adopt in order to maximise benefits and outlines what tourism SMMEs should expect from their e-Commerce platforms.

Political leadership in Italy: towards a plebiscitary democracy?

Modern Italy ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 3 (02) ◽  
pp. 281-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Donovan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Great Benefit ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Organizational Changes ◽  
First Republic

SummaryFollowing the collapse of the ‘First Republic’, political leadership has become both more technocratic and more charismatic. Constitutional reform of a presidential type, which would reinforce this dual trend, has come near to being effected. This paper argues that organizational changes in the main political parties bring them close to being able to participate in such a system. It also argues that a plebiscitary form of constitutional democracy, namely some form of presidentialism, could reinforce the consolidation of the nascent two-bloc party system. Finally, it argues that a political system based on two competitive party blocs could be of great benefit to the Italian polity.

scholarly journals Komisja Kodyfikacyjna II RP: pozycja ustrojowa, struktura organizacyjna, podejmowanie decyzji

Prawo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 328 ◽  
pp. 109-151
Author(s):  
Leonard Górnicki
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political System ◽  
State Institution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Organisational Structure ◽  
Central State ◽  
Procedural Law ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Impact

Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic: position within the political system, organisational structure and decision-makingEstablished one hundred years ago, the Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic initiated and prepared draft legislation dealing with private, criminal, substantive and procedural law as well as the judiciary and the legal profession. The Commission served as de facto legislator, that is lawmaker in the sociological sense, for it had a genuine impact on the content and form of legislative acts.In the article the author analyses the position of the Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic within the legal system, on which opinions differ in the literature on the subject. He defends the thesis that is was a central state institution, the existence of which was not, however, coordinated with the political system of the Second Polish Republic. Next, he investigates the impact of the transformations of the organisational structure and decision-making methodology on the efficiency of the Commission’s codification process. He takes into account the management and administration of the Codification Commission, organisation of work in Departments, Sections Subsections, Subcommittees, role of the delegates of the Minister of Justice and delegates of ministries, finally — decision-making mechanisms, including adoption of drafts as well as work in the Sections Subsections and Subcommittees. The author concludes that the experiences of the Second Polish Republic’s Codification Commission, a central state institution of advisory nature, established for an indefinite period, demonstrate that the best solution is to entrust codification to a special, apolitical and expert codification commission, operating with a degree of independence, of internal autonomy. Within such a commission a more effective mode of operation is preparation of drafts by teams of several people and then consultation of these drafts by larger bodies.Die Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik: institutionelles System, organisatorische Struktur, EntscheidungenDie Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik, die vor hundert Jahren entstandt, hat Entwürfe von Rechtsakten aus dem Bereich des Privat- und Strafrechts des Sachen- und Verfahrensrechtes sowie betreffend die Struktur der Gerichte und der Anwaltschaft eingeleitet und vorbereitet. Sie war praktisch ein Gesetzgeber, also soziologisch gesehen ein Rechtgeber, denn sie hatte einen realen Einfluss auf den Inhalt der Rechtsakten und die Bestimmung ihrer formellen Gestalt.Der Autor analysiert zuerst den staatsrechtlichen Rahmen der Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik, der in der Fachliteratur verschieden gesehen wird. Er verteidigt die These, dass die Kommission eine zentrale staatliche Institution war, deren Bestehen mit dem strukturellen System der Zweiten Polnischen Republik jedoch nicht koordiniert war. Dann untersucht er den Einfluss der Umwandlungen der Organisationsstruktur und der Methodik der Entscheidungen auf die Effektivität des Prozesses der Kodifikation des Rechts durch die Kodifikationskommission. Er berücksichtigt also die Führungsorgane und die Verwaltung der Kodifikationskommission, die Organisation der Arbeit in den Abteilungen, Sektionen Untersektionen und Unterkommissionen, die Rolle der Abgeordneten des Justizministers und der Abgeordneten der Ministerien, und zum Schluss die Mechanismen der Entscheidungen, darunter die Beschließung der Entwürfe und die Arbeit in den Sektionen Untersektionen sowie in den Unterkommissionen.Der Autor kommt zum Schluss, dass die Erfahrungen der Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik, die eine für unbestimmte Zeit berufene, zentrale staatliche Organisation eines beratenden Charakters war, bewiesen haben, dass die beste Lösung wäre, eine speziell dazu berufene, apolitische Fachkodifikationskommission, die über gewisse Selbständigkeit und interne Autonomie verfügen würde, mit der Kodifikation des Rechts zu beauftragen. Im Rahmen einer solchen Kommission stellt eine Arbeitsgruppe, die aus ein paar Personen besteht, die Entwürfe zuerst vorbereitet und sie erst später breiteren Gremien zur Konsultation vorlegt, ein effektiveres Modell dar.

scholarly journals Politics Without Meso-Level? No Politics at the Meso?

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilona Pálné Kovács
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Second Order ◽  
Ongoing Research ◽  
Meso Level ◽  
The Public ◽  
Interest Representation ◽  
Hungarian Case ◽  
The Impact

The paper examines the role of meso-level governance in the Hungarian political system focusing on the county self-governments. The objective of the author is to introduce the consequences of the lack of meso-level politics for the backslide of the democratic system. The paper focusing on Hungarian counties seeks to explore the three-decade-long process leading to the progressive elimination of these bodies from the public power arena. The Hungarian case demonstrates how the overall administrative and political centralisation process has contributed to the hollowing-out of meso-level political actors. The Hungarian case study underlines the complex interrelations between the macro-political system, and the territorial political governmental arenas from the aspect of the centre and periphery power relations. Many European regional governments are not only platforms for territorial interest representation but also a counterweight to the central level contributing to the quality and stability of democratic governance. The study reviewing the situation of Hungarian counties draws on the author’s previous empirical research experiences and is a part of the ongoing research on governance issues of peripheral areas1. The results of the analyses discuss the implications of the hollowing-out of county governments on the electoral and party system, the modification of the institutional channels of interest representation. The Hungarian example appears to corroborate the analogy with the theory of second order elections. The theory of second order elections recognized the impact on the turnout and electoral preferences based on the changing role of different governance levels, by the same token, it seems that the weakening power position of the meso contributes to the decline of political competition and publicity by minimizing the interest of the public in general. The objective of the present study is to enrich the assessment of the relationship between territorial governance and democracy with some analytical options by demonstrating the implications of the “second order nature” of the meso.

scholarly journals A synchronous analysis of the concept of Coordinating Power

2021 ◽  
pp. 658-689
Author(s):  
Allysson Eduardo Botelho de Oliveira Allysson ◽  
Adamo Dias Alves
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
State Power ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Concrete Experience ◽  
History Of ◽  
History Of Concepts ◽  
Submission Date

The present work’s purpose is to carry out a synchronous analysis of the concept of Coordinating Power, that is an institution created by Alberto Torres in his project of constitutional reform, published in 1914, and which consists in a fourth State power responsible for coordinating and supervising of the political system as a whole. To perform the research, we adopted as methodology the History of Concepts, criated by Reinhart Koselleck, in order to investigate the changes and the permanences of the meanings that a concept can harbor throughout his history. At the end, the Coordinating Power was classified as a engaged concept and as a concept of pure expectation, since it didn’t refer to a concrete experience, but it had as a purpose to operate changes in the reality. Fecha de envío / Submission date: 28/01/2021 Fecha de aceptación / Acceptance date: 13/04/2021

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