scholarly journals Local government under the defenders of the constitution

Balcanica ◽  
2004 ◽  
pp. 253-272
Author(s):  
Miroslav Svircevic
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Common People ◽  
State Administration ◽  
History Of ◽  
Local Officials ◽  
The Common ◽  
Executive Agencies ◽  
Communal Organization

The paper explains the development of local government under the rule of the constitution defenders 1842-1858. The author describes the historical facts that led to the abdication of Prince Milos and the establishment of an oligarchic government of chieftains assembled in a council (Toma Vucic Perisic, Avram Petronijevic, Hadji Milutin Garasanin and his son Ilija Stojan and Aleksa Simic), as well as the process of building a modern state administration and cultural identity, an integral part of which was a narrower process of constituting local government. A distinct role in the latter process was played by the Austrian-born Serbs, the only intelligentsia in the Principality of Serbia which was still under Turkish suzerainty. Special attention is given to the analysis of two local government acts instituting centralized local authorities with an enhanced law enforcement role in the districts, counties and communes. Those are District Prefectural System and of County Prefect Office Act of 12 May 1839 and Communal System Act of 13 July the same year. Of great importance was the former law, one of the longest-lived in the history of nineteenth-century Serbian constitutionalism. It was in force in 1839-88 and 1894-1903. Every autocratic regime in Serbia was to rely on it. Its distinctive feature is that it subordinated district and county prefects to the central authority and to the minister of internal affairs. They were reduced to mere police agents deprived of any freedom of action. Thus the local officials assumed the character of rigid administrators looking down on the common people. A natural continuation of this law was the other law of communal organization which turned the lowest local units into mere executive agencies of counties. Thus local government took on the form of a mere transmission of the central government, functioning according to a principle similar to the medieval lord-vassal system: my vassal's vassal is not my vassal.

Konflik Hubungan Pusat-Daerah antara Pemerintah Pusat dan Kabupaten Blora Terkaiat dengan Dana Bagi Hasil Blok Cepu

2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-162
Author(s):  
Budi Setiyono ◽  
Dio Satrio Jati ◽  
Teten Jamaludin
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Oil Exploration ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
National Budget ◽  
History Of ◽  
District Government ◽  
Financial Income ◽  
Resources Share

Cepu Block located between Centre Jawa and East Java. It is known as a rich block because it has a source of oil and gas. Block Cepu, where geographically located between three districts, Blora (Centre Java), Bojonegoro and Tuban (East Java) has given a contribution to national budget (APBN) and respected local government budget (APBD). About 33 per cent of the land of Cepu Block is owned by Blora, 67 per cent owned by Bojonegoro and the rest is owned by Tuban. Ironically, however, although 33 per cent of the Block belongs to Blora, the district does not receive any financial income from the oil exploration. There is no resources share fund from Cepu Block. Moreover, the district has to deal with the negative impacts of exploration activities at the Block Cepu such as damaging of infrastructure, environmental pollution, and social disturbance. Blora District has protested to Centre Government, but so far there is no outcome. Centre Government asked that this problem should be studied first. The central government argue that if it is approved, then there will be domino impact: other districts will do the same like Blora. Blora district is struggling to get equality in resources share fund (dana bagi hasil). Efforts have done, seminars and workshops, lobby to DPD (Upper House) to find a solution. Now the district government is proposing judicial review to constitution court. This research examines the history of Block Cepu. It reveals the history of the block from the colonial era up to the reformation era. Further, the research aims to know how the tension between local government (Blora Government) and central government regarding Blok Cepu oil exploration. The research suggests that there is injustice in the distribution of revenue from the exploration and it is understandable if Blora district government struggle to get proportional revenue sharing.

scholarly journals Fra eneveldets scene mot representative forsamlinger: visitasen som offentlig arena i Norge, ca. 1750–1850

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 183-211
Author(s):  
Trond Bjerkås
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
General Public ◽  
Common People ◽  
Lay Members ◽  
The Common ◽  
Control Apparatus ◽  
The Church

From the Stage of State Power to Representative Assembly?: The Visitation as a Public Arena, 1750–1850In the eighteenth century, the bishops’ visitations to dioceses constituted an important part of the control apparatus of the Church and the absolutist state. The article examines visitations in Norway in terms of public arenas, where the common people interacted with Church officials. During the period 1750 to 1850, the visitations were gradually transformed from arenas in which the state manifested its power towards a largely undifferentiated populace, to meeting places that resembled representative assemblies with both clerical and common lay members. Thus, it adapted to new forms of public participation established by the reforms of national and local government in the first half of the nineteenth century. At the same time, the process amounted to an elitization, because a few representatives replaced of the congregation as a whole. It is also argued that parish churches in the eighteenth century functioned as general public forums with a number of other functions in addition to worship, such as being places of trade and festivities. This seems to change in the nineteenth century, when churches became more exclusively religious arenas. The transition can be seen in the context of new forms of participation in Church matters. Many clerics wanted greater participation by sections of the commoners, in order to strengthen control in moral and religious matters.

The Birth of Democracy

1957 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-61
Author(s):  
Christopher Dawson
Keyword(s):  
Modern World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Market Place ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Common People ◽  
Considerable Difficulty ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Revolution

The origins of modern democracy are so closely bound up with the history of liberalism that it is a matter of considerable difficulty to disentangle them and to distinguish their distinctive contributions to the common political tradition of modern Western culture. For this question also involves that of the relation between the three revolutions, the English, the American, and the French, which transformed the Europe of the ancien régime, with its absolute monarchies and state churches, into the modern world. Now all these three revolutions were liberal revolutions and all of them were political expressions of the movement of the European enlightenment in its successive phases. But this movement was not originally a democratic one and it was only in the second half of the eighteenth century that the democratic ideal was clearly formulated. On the continent of Europe the revolution of ideas preceded the political and economic revolutions by half a century, and the revolution of ideas was not in any sense of the word a democratic movement; it was the work of a small minority of men of letters who looked to the nobles and the princes of Europe rather than to the common people, and whose ideal of government was a benevolent and enlightened absolutism, like that of Frederick the Great or the Empress Catherine of Russia. There was an immense gulf between the ideas of Voltaire and Turgot, of Diderot and D'Alembert, and the opinions of the average man. The liberalism of the philosophers was a hothouse growth which could not be easily acclimatized to the open air of the fields and the market place.

Initiative Cooperation: Exploring a New Intergovernmental Model for Dealing with Risk of Tobacco Monopoly Administrative Law Enforcement

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 3003-3011
Author(s):  
Xu Jing
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
Administrative Law ◽  
Risk Society ◽  
Survey Method ◽  
Local Officials ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Tobacco Monopoly

Objective: The risk of administrative law enforcement is slowly being exposed to the public. The law enforcement of tobacco monopoly administration plays an important role in maintaining the stability of tobacco market and promoting the benign development of tobacco industry. However, due to the combination of subjective and objective factors, there are many risks in the process of tobacco monopoly law enforcement, which seriously affect the effectiveness of tobacco monopoly law enforcement. In risk society, risk has the characteristics of fluidity and cross-region, which increases the difficulty of administrative law enforcement among local governments. The purpose of this paper is to explore a new model to deal with the risk of local government enforcement against tobacco monopoly administration. Methods: The research adopted the field survey method, 75 local officials were interviewed, including 68 effective interviews and 7 invalid interviews, then analyzed the manifestations of passive cooperation through multiple cases. Results: We found that when risk of tobacco monopoly administrative law enforcement occur frequently, local intergovernmental still choose not to cooperate or cooperate passively at the request of the central government. By analyzing the forms of passive cooperation, we established an analytical framework of initiative cooperation and worked out three elements of initiative cooperation: trust, consensus and tacit understanding. Conclusion: Initiative cooperation is the highest form of cooperation and the best choice for local intergovernmental to deal with risk of tobacco monopoly administrative law enforcement.

Bearing Witness

2018 ◽  
pp. 184-217
Author(s):  
Santana Khanikar
Keyword(s):  
State Of Exception ◽  
Oral Histories ◽  
Common People ◽  
Bearing Witness ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Indian State ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common

This chapter discusses conflict and violence in Lakhipathar, over a period of two decades, drawing on oral histories from the people of Lakhipathar. Listening to the narratives of past sufferings here has worked not merely a tool to know what happened to the narrators in the past but it also gives a key to analyse why and how they live in the present. Apart from offering evidence towards the larger argument of the work, this part of the book has also aimed towards opening a conversation on some buried and forgotten moments in the history of the Indian state that resemble what could be called an Agambenian ‘state of exception’. The dense narratives give a picture of the collaboration and deceit, revenge and violence, suspicion and fear in war-torn Lakhipathar and how the common people negotiated their ways through these.

Francisco de Combés’s History of Mindanao and Jolo (1667)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana M. Rodríguez-Rodríguez
Keyword(s):  
Religious Life ◽  
Common People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common

In this excerpt from his history of the southern Philippines and of the efforts of the Jesuits to convert its inhabitants, Francisco de Combés (1620–1665) paints a sensationalist image of the religious life of Mindanao, emphasizing the supposed atheism of the common people and the practice of sorcery by their Muslim rulers. The heroic Jesuits operating out of the Spanish settlement of Zamboanga struggle with the volatile politics of the Islamicate south in their heroic efforts to bring Christianity to people that they misrecognize as “moors.” Ana M. Rodríguez-Rodríguez places the text in the context of Spain’s troubled relationship with Mindanao.

The Secular Appropriation of Hasidism by an East European Jewish Intellectual: Dubnow, Renan, and the Besht

2004 ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Robert M. Seltzer
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Common People ◽  
History Of Christianity ◽  
East European ◽  
The Social ◽  
Long Time ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common ◽  
European Jewish ◽  
The 19Th Century

This chapter studies the role that Hasidism played in the thought of the modernized Jewish intelligentsia of Eastern Europe toward the end of the 19th century. Simon Dubnow played a pivotal role in the emergence of this new image of Hasidism. In his autobiography, Dubnow describes in some detail the influence on him at that time of Leo Tolstoy and Ernest Renan. The influence of Renan's History of Christianity is quite evident in the structure of Dubnow's History of Hasidism as well as in some of Dubnow's solutions to problems of interpretation. Like Renan, Dubnow opened with a discussion of the social and intellectual background of a movement that can be traced to a founder known only for a long time through oral sources which retained the character of legend or saga. Applying Renan's statement that such pious biographies have a historical core, Dubnow stripped the life of the Baal Shem Tov, as recorded in the Shivhei ha-Besht, of its supernatural elements to reveal a simple, humble man who loved nature, especially the forests of the Carpathian mountains; a man who had immense affection for the common people and disdain for the proud, aloof scholars of his time and who preached a lofty doctrine of religious pantheism and universal brotherhood.

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