scholarly journals Partisan heart and/or rational mind? Party identification, political knowledge and electoral turnout

Psihologija ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-49
Author(s):  
Zoran Pavlovic ◽  
Bojan Todosijevic
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
Opinion Survey ◽  
Cognitive Motivation ◽  
Voting Age ◽  
Rational Mind ◽  
Electoral Turnout ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Relationship

This paper aims at analysing the relationship between positive and negative party identification and political knowledge, as well as their interplay in regard to electoral turnout. The data from the Serbian 2012 post-election public opinion survey on the nationally representative probability-based sample of voting age citizens were used (N = 1568). The data show that political knowledge is significantly and positively correlated both with positive and negative party identification. Citizens who are more knowledgeable and positively identified are also more likely to vote. However, it is shown that the influence of political knowledge on electoral turnout is moderated only by positive party identification. Political knowledge significantly predicts turnout only in the group of citizens without positive party identification. Being negatively identified with a political party does not modify the relationship between political knowledge and turnout. The results are discussed in terms of the Michigan model of party identification and cognitive mobilisation thesis. The roles of affective and cognitive motivation in electoral participation are additionally stressed and debated.

scholarly journals AUTHORITARIANISM AND COGNITIVE POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 521
Author(s):  
Zoran Pavlović ◽  
Bojan Todosijević
Keyword(s):  
Political Knowledge ◽  
Demographic Variables ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
General Interest ◽  
Opinion Survey ◽  
Authoritarian Personality ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
New Information ◽  
The World ◽  
Voting Age

This study analyses the linkage between authoritarianism and three indicators that describe one’s general cognitive orientation towards the world of politics: political knowledge, general interest in politics, and interest in the election campaign. Individuals high in authoritarianism are hypothesized to be less politically competent and less interested in politics, due to their resistance to adopting new information and to changing the adopted beliefs. This hypothesis is based on the classical description of the authoritarian personality, but it has not been adequately empirically verified yet. The data are taken from a post-election public opinion survey conducted in 2012 after the presidential and parliamentary elections, on a random sample of voting age citizens of Serbia (N = 1568). The results show that authoritarianism and the level of political knowledge are significantly and negatively correlated, even after controlling for the basic socio-demographic variables. The intensity of political interest is not significantly correlated with authoritarianism. Additional comparison of the misinformed and uninformed groups (those who provided incorrect answers, and those who answered “don't know”, respectively) did not support the view that authoritarian persons are more inclined to erroneously guess an answer than to simply say “don’t know”. The study concludes that the association between political knowledge and authoritarianism is based on deeper psychological roots, while the (lack of) association with political interest is likely to be context-dependent.

scholarly journals The relationship between ideology and voting preferences in the time perspective: An indicator of the ideological maturation of a young democracy?

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-179
Author(s):  
Goran Milas ◽  
Boris Milčić
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Time Perspective ◽  
Adult Population ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
Attitude Scale ◽  
Ideological Position ◽  
Voter Preferences ◽  
Electoral Choice ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Relationship

Much research has been conducted on the relationship between ideology, voter preferences and electoral choice. However, due to the complexity of the relationship, differences in the understanding of ideology and the diversity of political systems, the issue has not yet been fully explored. Current research approaches the problems by monitoring the dynamics of change in the association between ideological position and party preferences over time in Croatia. Data for the study were collected in three surveys conducted in 2003 (N=1248), 2014 (N=1000) and 2016 (N=750) on nationally representative samples of the Croatian adult population. The ideological position of an individual was measured in two ways, using General Social Attitude Scale (SAS_G) and left-right dimension self-placement. Political party preferences were measured by the reported electoral choice in the previous elections and the expressed voting choice in the forthcoming elections. The results of the current study indicate a ste-ady increase in the correlation between ideological factors and political preferences over the years. In the paper we argue that the observed increase in the corresponden-ce between one’s own ideology and the preference for a political party could be an additional indicator of democratic consolidation in transitional and post-transitional countries like Croatia. However, unlike the democratic consolidation taking place on the outside and involving the construction of democratic institutions, this is a change in the minds of citizens who broaden and deepen their political culture, knowledge of ideology, political competence and are becoming more aware of implications of their own electoral decisions.

News finds me perception and democracy: Effects on political knowledge, political interest, and voting

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (6) ◽  
pp. 1253-1271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Homero Gil de Zúñiga ◽  
Trevor Diehl
Keyword(s):  
Political Knowledge ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Information Networks ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
Panel Survey ◽  
The Public ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Relationship

Recent scholarship suggests that overreliance on social networks for news and public affairs is associated with the belief that one no longer needs to actively seek information. Instead, individuals perceive that the “news will find me” (NFM) and detach from the regular habit of traditional news consumption. This study examines effects of the NFM perception on political knowledge, political interest, and electoral participation. Drawing on a nationally representative panel survey from the United States ( N = 997), this study finds that the NFM perception is negatively associated with both political knowledge and political interest across two time periods. The NFM perception also leads to negative, indirect effects on voting as the relationship is mediated through lower reported levels of political knowledge and interest in politics. The findings add to current conversations about the ability of personalized information networks to adequately inform and engage the public.

scholarly journals Unpacking the Black Utility Heuristic: Explaining Black Identification with the Democratic Party

2007 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 37-56
Author(s):  
Maurice Mangum
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Demographic Characteristics ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Individual Interest ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Group Interest ◽  
Logistic Regressions ◽  
The Relationship

The aim of this research is to uncover the nature of the relationship between a black person’s individual circumstances and their perceptions of group interests and party identification, concentrating on explaining blacks’ identification with the Democratic Party. Data taken from the 1996 National Black Election Study is used to estimate blacks’ party identification, testing individual interest and group-interest models. The results of the logistic regressions suggest that individual interests matter when predicting blacks’ party identification. Unlike previous studies, I find that socioeconomic and demographic characteristics vary with blacks’ party identification. Black Americans also rely on group-based political power and economic factors. Blacks’ party identification is driven by evaluations of which political party is most useful to the black community.

scholarly journals The Political Self: How Identity Aligns Preferences With Epistemic Needs

2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 901-913 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher M. Federico ◽  
Pierce D. Ekstrom
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Self Concept ◽  
The Political ◽  
Need For Closure ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Identity Centrality ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Potential Moderator

Numerous studies have indicated that the need for closure predicts political preferences. We examined a potential moderator of this relationship: political-identity centrality, or the extent to which individuals’ political preferences are central to their self-concept. We tested three hypotheses. First, we predicted that need for closure would be more strongly related to political identity (symbolic ideology and party identification; Hypothesis 1) and issue positions (operational ideology; Hypothesis 2) among individuals who see their political preferences as more self-central. Then we predicted that the stronger relationship between need for closure and issue positions among individuals high in centrality would be accounted for by stronger relationships between need for closure and political identity and between political identity and issue positions (Hypothesis 3). Data from a nationally representative survey provide evidence for these hypotheses, suggesting that the relationship between epistemic needs and political preferences differs as a function of how self-relevant politics is.

Openness and Self-enhancement are predictors of cultural and economic beliefs: an analysis of European countries across 15 years

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Czarnek ◽  
Małgorzata Kossowska
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Context ◽  
Cultural Beliefs ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Economic Beliefs ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Self Transcendence ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Relationship

In this study, we investigate the relationship between values and political beliefs and how it varies as a function of cultural context and time. In particular, we analyzed the effects of Conservation vs. Openness to change and Self-transcendence vs. Self-enhancement for cultural and economic political beliefs using data from nationally representative samples of citizens from 34 European countries from eight rounds of the European Social Survey (data spans the 2002–2016 period). We found that the effects of values on political beliefs are moderated by the Western vs. Eastern cultural context and that there is a modest round-to-round variation in the effects of values on beliefs. The relationship between Openness and cultural beliefs was negative and largely consistent across the Western and Eastern countries. Similarly, the effects of Self-enhancement were positive across these Western and Eastern countries. In contrast, the effects of Openness on economic beliefs were positive for the Eastern countries but largely weak and inconsistent for the Western countries. Finally, the effects of Self-enhancement on cultural beliefs are weak for both cultural contexts.

Changing the Composition of Beginning Teachers: The Role of State Alternative Certification Policies

2021 ◽  
pp. 089590482110156
Author(s):  
Christopher Redding
Keyword(s):  
Beginning Teachers ◽  
Alternative Certification ◽  
New Teachers ◽  
State Level ◽  
Schools And Staffing Survey ◽  
Selective Colleges ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Alternate Routes ◽  
The Relationship

Drawing on nationally representative data from six cohorts of beginning teachers from the Schools and Staffing Survey and the National Teacher and Principal Survey, this study applies a difference-in-differences research design to examine the relationship between changes to state-level alternative certification policies and the characteristics of new teachers. The introduction of alternate routes into teaching is associated with an increase in the fraction of new teachers of color in a state and the new teachers who graduated from selective colleges. No evidence was found of a relationship with the relative share of male teachers or teachers of in-demand subjects.

When Religion Hurts: Structural Sexism and Health in Religious Congregations

2021 ◽  
pp. 000312242199668
Author(s):  
Patricia Homan ◽  
Amy Burdette
Keyword(s):  
General Social Survey ◽  
State Level ◽  
Religious Participation ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Religious Congregations ◽  
Positive Health ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Positive Health Outcomes ◽  
High Degree ◽  
The Relationship

An emerging line of research has begun to document the relationship between structural sexism and health. This work shows that structural sexism—defined as systematic gender inequality in power and resources—within U.S. state-level institutions and within marriages can shape individuals’ physical health. In the present study, we use a novel dataset created by linking two nationally representative surveys (the General Social Survey and the National Congregations Study) to explore the health consequences of structural sexism within another setting: religious institutions. Although religious participation is generally associated with positive health outcomes, many religious institutions create and reinforce a high degree of structural sexism, which is harmful for health. Prior research has not reconciled these seemingly conflicting patterns. We find that among religious participants, women who attend sexist religious institutions report significantly worse self-rated health than do those who attend more inclusive congregations. Furthermore, only women who attend inclusive religious institutions exhibit a health advantage relative to non-participants. We observe marginal to no statistically significant effects among men. Our results suggest the health benefits of religious participation do not extend to groups that are systematically excluded from power and status within their religious institutions.

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