Patterns of Living in the U.S. and Brazil: A Comparison

1961 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Lynn Smith

The writer will attempt to draw attention to major like and unlike elements in the cultural patterns of Brazil and the United States, with an eye to mutual understanding. Obviously, this constitutes a task of considerable magnitude, and much reflection was required in order to decide which of the many possibilities should receive attention. Finally, it was decided to center on the following four aspects of the general subject: (1) the diversity of patterns of living in the United States, and the even greater diversity of ways of life in Brazil; (2) the higher degree of social differentiation in the United States, in comparison with contemporary Brazil; (3) the similarities and differences in patterns of living which result from the class structures found in the respective societies; and (4) the effects upon general social and cultural patterns of the institutions which have played the most important roles in producing the distinguishing characteristics of each of the societies: in the case of Brazil, the great patriarchial family or kinship unit, and in the case of the United States, the public school.

1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Sprudzs

Among the many old and new actors on the international stage of nations the United States is one of the most active and most important. The U.S. is a member of most existing intergovernmental organizations, participates in hundreds upon hundreds of international conferences and meetings every year and, in conducting her bilateral and multilateral relations with the other members of the community of nations, contributes very substantially to the development of contemporary international law. The Government of the United States has a policy of promptly informing the public about developments in its relations with other countries through a number of documentary publication, issued by the Department of State


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Johnson ◽  
Katie Hanna ◽  
Julie Novak ◽  
Angelo P. Giardino

While society at large recognizes the many benefits of sport, it is important to also recognize and prevent factors that can lead to an abusive environment. This paper seeks to combine the current research on abuse in the sport environment with the work of the U.S. Center for SafeSport. The inclusion of risk factors unique to sport and evidence-informed practices provides framing for the scope and response to sexual abuse in sport organizations in the United States. The paper then explores the creation and mission of the U.S. Center for SafeSport, including the role of education in prevention and of policy, procedures, audit, and compliance as important aspects of a comprehensive safeguarding strategy. This paper provides preliminary data on the reach of the Center, established in 2017. This data captures the scope of education and training and the increase in reports to the Center from within the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Movement.


Author(s):  
Will Fowler

Antonio López de Santa Anna (b. Xalapa, February 21, 1794; d. Mexico City, June 21, 1876) was one of the most notorious military caudillos of 19th-century Mexico. He was involved in just about every major event of the early national period and served as president on six different occasions (1833–1835, 1839, 1841–1843, 1843–1844, 1846–1847, and 1853–1855). U.S. Minister Plenipotentiary Waddy Thompson during the 1840s would come to the conclusion that: “No history of his country for that period can be written without constant mention of his name.”1 For much of the 1820s to 1850s he proved immensely popular; the public celebrated him as “Liberator of Veracruz,” the “Founder of the Republic,” and the “Hero of Tampico” who repulsed a Spanish attempt to reconquer Mexico in 1829. Even though he lost his leg defending Veracruz from a French incursion in 1838, many still regarded him as the only general who would be able to save Mexico from the U.S. intervention of 1846–1848. However, Mexicans, eventually, would remember him more for his defeats than his victories. Having won the battle of the Alamo, he lost the battle of San Jacinto which resulted in Texas becoming independent from Mexico in 1836. Although he recovered from this setback, many subsequently blamed him for Mexico’s traumatic defeat in the U.S.-Mexican War, which ended with Mexico ceding half of its territory to the United States. His corruption paired with the fact that he aligned himself with competing factions at different junctures contributed to the accusation that he was an unprincipled opportunist. Moreover, because he authorized the sale of La Mesilla Valley to the United States (in present-day southern Arizona) in the 1853 Gadsden Purchase, he was labeled a vendepatrias (“fatherland-seller”). The repressive dictatorship he led donning the title of “His Serene Highness” in 1853–1855, also gave way to him being presented thereafter as a bloodthirsty tyrant, even though his previous terms in office were not dictatorial. Albeit feted as a national hero during much of his lifetime, historians have since depicted Santa Anna as a cynical turncoat, a ruthless dictator, and the traitor who lost the U.S.-Mexican War on purpose. However, recent scholarship has led to a significant revision of this interpretation. The aim of this article is to recast our understanding of Santa Anna and his legacy bearing in mind the latest findings. In the process it demonstrates how important it is to engage with the complexities of the multilayered regional and national contexts of the time in order to understand the politics of Independent Mexico.


This essay is a response to Guillermo Ibarra’s contribution to this book, Global Perspectives on the United States. It argues that Ibarra’s essay can usefully remind readers of the many ways the U.S. and Latin America are connected. While Ibarra highlights the transnational nature of U.S. cities and how Mexican immigrants in the U.S. remain tied to communities in their home country while simultaneously embracing largely positive views of the U.S., Spellacy wants to situate Ibarra’s project in relation to scholarly and artistic works that conceive of the Americas as a space joined by historical ties and the continued traffic of people, ideas, commodities, and culture across national borders. Spellacy asks how a hemispheric understanding of the Americas could help us comprehend the new form of citizenship embraced by Mexican immigrants considered in Ibarra’s essay, and she suggests that it might be fruitful to think across disciplinary divides and consider these questions in relation to scholars working on hemispheric cultural studies. For example, she asks, if citizenship is performed rather than taken for granted, is it not important to consider the role culture plays in this process?


2014 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin D.G. Kelley

During the summer of 2014, the U.S. government once again offered the State of Israel unwavering support for its aggression against the Palestinian people. Among the U.S. public, however, there was growing disenchantment with Israel. The information explosion on social media has provided the public globally with much greater access to the Palestinian narrative unfiltered by the Israeli lens. In the United States, this has translated into a growing political split on the question of Palestine between a more diverse and engaged younger population and an older generation reared on the long-standing tropes of Israel's discourse. Drawing analogies between this paradigm shift and the turning point in the civil rights movement enshrined in Mississippi's 1964 Freedom Summer, author and scholar Robin Kelley goes on to ask whether the outrage of the summer of 2014 can be galvanized to transform official U.S. policy.


Author(s):  
Toby Bolsen ◽  
James N. Druckman ◽  
Fay Lomax Cook

Numerous factors shape citizens’ beliefs about global warming, but there is very little research that compares the views of the public with key actors in the policymaking process. We analyze data from simultaneous and parallel surveys of (1) the U.S. public, (2) scientists who actively publish research on energy technologies in the United States, and (3) congressional policy advisors and find that beliefs about global warming vary markedly among them. Scientists and policy advisors are more likely than the public to express a belief in the existence and anthropogenic nature of global warming. We also find ideological polarization about global warming in all three groups, although scientists are less polarized than the public and policy advisors over whether global warming is actually occurring. Alarmingly, there is evidence that the ideological divide about global warming gets significantly larger according to respondents’ knowledge about politics, energy, and science.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-223
Author(s):  
Mary Margaret Roark

The First Amendment protects one of our most precious rights as citizens of the United States—the freedom of speech. Such protection has withstood the test of time, even safeguarding speech that much of the population would find distasteful. There is one form of speech which cannot be protected: the true threat. However, the definition of what constitutes a "true threat" has expanded since its inception. In the new era of communication—where most users post first and edit later—the First Amendment protection we once possessed has been eroded as more and more speech is considered proscribable as a "true threat." In order to adequately protect both the public at large and our individual right to free speech, courts should analyze a speaker’s subjective intent before labeling speech a "true threat." Though many courts have adopted an objective, reasonable listener test, the U.S. Supreme Court now has the opportunity, in deciding Elonis v. United States, to take a monumental step in protecting the First Amendment right to free speech. By holding that the speaker’s subjective intent to threaten is necessary for a true threat conviction, the Court will restore the broad protection afforded by the First Amendment and repair years of erosion caused by an objective approach.


Author(s):  
Pei Jun Zhao

AbstractIn the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic, currently vaccines and specific anti-viral treatment are not yet available. Thus, preventing viral transmission by case isolation, quarantine, and social distancing is essential to slowing its spread. Here we model social networks using weighted graphs, where vertices represent individuals and edges represent contact. As public health measures are implemented, connectivity in the graph decreases, resulting in lower effective reproductive numbers, and reduced viral transmission. For COVID-19, model parameters were derived from the coronavirus epidemic in China, validated by epidemic data in Italy, then applied to the United States. We calculate that, in the U.S., the public is able to contain viral transmission by limiting the average number of contacts per person to less than 7 unique individuals over each 5 day period. This increases the average social distance between individuals to 10 degrees of separation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (6) ◽  
pp. 785-801 ◽  
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Ćwil ◽  
William T. Howe

Who is a gamer? What kind of people are perceived to be gamers? And finally – who perceives themselves as a gamer? In this article the authors attempt to answer these three questions from a multinational perspective. Background. Games are nowadays one of the most frequently encountered forms of entertainment and constitute an ever-increasing part of many people’s day-to-day lives. With the rising popularity of video games, there is a need to conduct a research concerning gamer identity and to find out who perceives themselves as a gamer. The aim of this study is to compare the results of the survey conducted in two different countries to better understand the characteristics of players that self-identified as gamers. Methods. The quantitative study was conducted in two countries – Poland and the United States – in order to research gamer identity. The questionnaire consisted of questions about the self-identification as a gamer, time spent playing video games, types of games played, and the platforms used. It was conducted among 223 students who play video games. Results. The results show that there are both similarities and differences in the meaning of gamer identity between Poland and the United States. People who consider themselves gamers generally spend more time playing games than non-gamers regardless of the country. However, some differences can be spotted between Poland and the U.S. concerning among others types of games played, used platforms or different styles of playing video games. Limitations and further research. The main problem in the study was the limited age range in the sample. In the future it seems valuable to include people of different age groups to broaden the study of self-identified gamer identity.


2019 ◽  
pp. 119-144
Author(s):  
Gamonal C. Sergio ◽  
César F. Rosado Marzán

Chapter 5 describes the principle of continuity, also called the principle of “stability” or “permanence,” in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay. The principle presumes employment contracts of indefinite duration where employers must provide cause to terminate the contract. The chapter describes how continuity provides judges and other adjudicators with the authority to protect workers against unfair dismissal, reinforce employer obligations despite contract modification and successorship, and reform precarious contracts into standard contracts of employment. The chapter then describes the uneven and weaker presence of continuity in the United States due to employment at will. It argues that employment at will needs to be derogated by statute, likely state by state. But despite the need to derogate employment at will, the chapter also underscores that about 15 percent of the U.S. workforce, that one employed in the public sector and in the unionized private sector, is not covered by employment at will. Moreover, even under employment at will, many private sector employees are covered by antidiscrimination, antiretaliation, tort, and public policies that together concoct a law of wrongful dismissal. Hence, while weak and uneven, some form of employment stability does pervade in the United States.


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