Epilogue

2021 ◽  
pp. 223-228
Author(s):  
Sandro Galea

Covid-19 was not just a virus. It was a story: of our collective health, our vulnerability, and our resilience. This overarching narrative emerged from many smaller narratives. There was the political narrative of the pandemic, the story of governments working to respond to an unprecedented threat. There was the economic narrative, lived across a variety of scales, from multinational corporations scrambling to adapt to changing workplace realities to the dinner tables around which many people, newly unemployed, worked out monthly expenses. It was a global story, as an epidemic that started in China crossed provincial and then international borders to engulf the world. At a deeper level, it was the story of individuals, each trying to navigate the difficulties of the moment. The sick and the well, those who recovered from the disease and those who succumbed to it. And just as the broader narrative of Covid-19 is anchored in these individual stories, each of these stories has something to say about the foundational forces that shaped the arc of the pandemic....

1966 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-951 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Holden

If an important part of the political scientist's mission is to anticipate and explain “the critical problems that generate turbulence” in that part of the world which attracts his attention, then, in the study of administration, bureaucratic “imperialism” must be of compelling interest. If systematic data directly assembled for the purpose are lacking, and if there are some signal problems of theory which have been little investigated, there is still enough evidence from studies of other political problems that it seems worthwhile to set out some trial-run ideas in the hope that they will elicit further discussion.Bureaucractic imperialism seems pre-eminently a matter of inter-agency conflict in which two or more agencies try to assert permanent control over the same jurisdiction, or in which one agency actually seeks to take over another agency as well as the jurisdiction of that agency. We are thus primarily concerned with the politics of allocation and shall, except incidentally, bypass some other interesting aspects of inter-agency politics such as cooperation between agencies sharing missions, competition for favorable “one-time-only” decisions which do not involve jurisdictional reallocation, or the critical problems of the “holding company” administrative organization and its internal politics. For the moment, our concern with the politics of allocation leads to a focus on what would appear to be the likely behaviors of those decisionmakers who have both inclination and opportunity to look after the institutional well-being of agencies.


Author(s):  
Samuel Lucas McMillan

Subnational governments are increasingly involved in foreign policy and foreign relations in activities usually labeled as paradiplomacy or constituent diplomacy. This phenomenon is due to the rising capacity of substate territories to act in world politics and has been aided by advances in transportation and telecommunications. National governments’ control of foreign policy has been permeated in many ways, particularly with globalization and “glocalization.” Since 1945, subnational governments such as Australian states, Canadian provinces, and U.S. states have sought to influence foreign policy and foreign relations. Subnational leaders began traveling outside their national borders to recruit foreign investment and promote trade, even opening offices to represent their interests around the world. Subnational governments in Belgium, Germany, and Spain were active in world politics by the 1980s, and these activities expanded in Latin America in the 1990s. Today, there are new levels of activity within federal systems such as India and Nigeria. Subnational leaders now receive ambassadors and heads of government and can be treated like heads of state when they travel abroad to promote their interests. Not only has paradiplomacy spread to subnational governments across the world, but the breath of issues addressed by legislatures and leaders is far beyond economic policy, connecting to intermestic issues such as border security, energy, environmental protection, human rights, and immigration. Shared national borders led to transborder associations being formed decades ago, and these have increased in number and specialization. New levels of awareness of global interdependencies means that subnational leaders today are likely to see both the opportunities and threats from globalization and then seek to represent their citizens’ interests. Foreign policy in the 21st century is not only affected by transnational actors outside of government, such as multinational corporations and environmental groups, but also governmental actors from the local level to the national level. The extent to which subnational governments participate in foreign policy depends on variables related to autonomy and opportunity. Autonomy variables include constitutional framework, division of power, and rules as determined by legislative action or court decisions. Opportunity variables include geography, economic interdependence, kinship (ethnic and religious ties), as well as partisanship and the political ambitions of subnational leaders. Political culture is a variable that can affect autonomy and opportunity. Paradiplomacy has influenced the expectations and roles of subnational leaders and has created varying degrees of institutionalization. Degrees of autonomy allowed for Flanders are not available for U.S. states. Whereas most subnational governments do not have formal roles in international organizations or a ministry devoted to international relations, this does occur in Quebec. Thus, federalism dynamics and intergovernmental relations are evolving and remain important to study. In future research, scholars should more fully examine how subnational leaders’ roles evolve and the political impacts of paradiplomacy; the effects of democratization and how paradiplomacy is diffused; how national and subnational identity shapes paradiplomacy, and the effects paradiplomacy has on domestic and international law as well as political economy. The autonomy and power of subnational governments should be better conceptualized, particularly because less deference is given to national-level policy makers in foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb

“How to Transform the World: Rethinking Theory and Practice” explains that the idea of the political subject-in-outline also aims to theorize a mediated relation between theory and practice. Mediation implies first that theory and practice are equally important tools of how people can change the world into a better one, and second that people must acknowledge the moment of the limit in our theorizing as well as practice, which suggests that both theory and practice are always ongoing projects. It challenges a theory that abstracts from practice, as well as a practice that abstracts from theory, and explains the connection between knowledge production and power. It also explains how people transform the world through outlining the central components of a critical theory and practice. This chapter also takes a critical look at those sociopolitical aspects that might hinder a successful transformative theory and practice.


2020 ◽  
pp. 380-410
Author(s):  
Ander Gurrutxaga Abad

En la actualidad, el momento histórico por el que atraviesa el Estado-Nación hay que entenderlo tomando en consideración los efectos combinados del proceso de globalización y el cambio tecnológico que tiene hoy su máximo exponente en lo que se ha llegado a denominar como la 4ª Revolución Industrial, junto al cansancio del Leviatán, provocado por la actividad irregular de más de tres siglos en los países del Centro Occidental. Mi tesis es que no se visualiza el final de los discursos nacionales ni la crisis de los referentes de la tradición estatal sino la configuración del poder político donde lo macro -grandes regiones políticas, organismos internacionales, corporaciones multinacionales-; lo meso (regiones y movimientos productos de la descentralización del poder político estatal o la contestación interna al centro político “incuestionable”); y lo micro poderes -regiones y nacionalidades “periféricas”- pugnan por la construcción de la geometría variable que presenta al poder político del Estado enclavado en múltiples redes que discurren por instituciones de países y regiones interdependientes. At the moment, the historical period that the Nation-State is living must be understood taking into account the combined effects of the globalization process and the rapid technological change, that today has its greatest exponent in what has come to be called the 4th Industrial Revoluction, together with the the Fatigue of Leviathan, caused by the irregular activity of more than three centuries in the Western countries. The main argument is that we are not whitnessing the end of national discourses, nor the crisis of the traditional institutions of the State, but the configuration of a new distribution of political power. This new configuration is characterized by new correlations between the institutional forces at the macro level –large political regions, international organzation, multinational corporations–, the regionalization process at the meso level –the increasing relevance of regions resulting of the decentralization of the political and economical power of the State–, and the movements at the micro level –pheripheral regions and nationalities–. The result is a variable geometry that show us that the political power of the State is now embedded in a amplified network of institutions that are defining the capabilities of political action.


DoisPontos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xavier Guchet

resumo: Enquanto as duas teses defendidas por Simondon em 1958 relevam o problema da individuação humana na sua dimensão psicossocial e técnica, a publicação nos últimos anos do conjunto do corpus simondoniano sugere que outro tema constitui o fio condutor do pensamento de Simondon por três décadas, dos anos 50 ao início dos anos 80: aquele da vida. Ora, enquanto o problema da individuação humana poderia ser interpretado na ótica de uma reflexão política, notadamente através do conceito de “transindividualidade” desenvolvido nas teses e efetivamente considerado pelos comentadores como o conceito chave da política simondoniana, a questão de se saber o que se torna essa política simondoniana coloca-se, precisamente, no momento em que o deslocamento do acento em direção a uma filosofia da vida é operado. Na medida em que o conceito de transindividualidade desaparece dos escritos posteriores às teses, a questão coloca-se ainda mais. Como compreender esta centralidade do tema da vida, enquanto que aquele do homem e de seus modos de ser no mundo parecia privilegiado nas teses? Em qual medida este deslocamento de acento conduz Simondon a abandonar a reflexão política proposta nas teses em prol de uma antropologia biológica que, cabe perguntar-se, flertaria com o programa da sociobiologia dos anos 70? Este artigo propõe elementos em resposta a essas duas questões.abstract: Whereas the two theses defended by Simondon in 1958 highlight the problem of human individuation in its psychosocial and technical dimension, the publication in the last years of the set of the Simondonian corpus suggests that another theme constitutes the leading thread of Simondon’s thought for three decades, from the 1950s to the early 1980s: that of life. Now, whereas the problem of human individuation could be interpreted in the view of a political reflection, mostly through the concept of “transindividuality” developed in the theses and effectively considered by the commentators as the key concept of Simondonian politics, the question of knowing what makes this Simondonian politics is put forth precisely at the moment in which is operated the displacement of the accent towards a philosophy of life. As the concept of transindividuality disappears from the manuscripts posterior to the theses, the question is even more pressing. How can one comprehend this centrality of the theme of life, whereas that of man and its modes of being in the world would seem to be privileged in the theses? To which extent does this displacement of accent lead Simondon to abandon the political reflection proposed in the theses towards a biological anthropology that, one may ask, would flirt with the sociobiology program of the 1970s? This paper provides some elements to answer these two questions. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 221-225
Author(s):  
Olha Sviderska

The influence of social networks on the formation of the manipulative aspect of political narratives in the postmodern is investigated. With the development of Web 2.0 technologies, Internet users have been able to radically form alternative sources of information alongside the main political actors, to which only the media previously had a monopoly. Today, regular Internet users have access to a simple and affordable way to broadcast their own stories to a global audience. The formation of a political narrative is not only a means of changing the rules of the political game or political consciousness, but also the creation of a certain illusory world, changing the previously formed picture of the world. One of the main aspects in creating a political narrative is to take into account the peculiarities of the national character of the audience among which it is distributed, and the most powerful element determining its success is the appropriate emotional load.


2020 ◽  
pp. 98-113
Author(s):  
Marina Lebedeva

The article considers international negotiations as a resource of influence and creation in world politics, which is part of the social and humanitarian resource. The article analyzes the negotiation practice and research of international negotiations, starting from the second half of the twentieth century, i.e. from the moment when international negotiations receive intensive development. It is shown that at this time a huge practical and research experience was accumulated on the technology of negotiations, the role and place of negotiations in the world, which made up a social and humanitarian resource for world politics. At the end of the twentieth – beginning of the twentieth centuries there is a decline in negotiation activity and, accordingly, decline research on international negotiations, which was caused by: 1) a change in the nature of conflicts that have largely ceased to be interstate in nature and which began to arise on ethnic and religious grounds with many decentralized participants; 2) a significant reduction in the role of Russian-American relations in the world after the collapse of the USSR. Namely, the Russian-American negotiations, primarily in the field of disarmament, were the most important in international relations of the second half of the twentieth century. As a result, in the 21 st century, the number of international negotiations not only decreased, but treaties reached in the past began to be denounced, primarily by the United States. It is shown that this situation is caused by deep processes of transformation of the political organization of the world, covering its various levels, both national and supranational. As a result, a situation of uncertainty and unpredictability is created, which does not contribute to the search for negotiated solutions. However, the political organization of the world can only be transformed through negotiations. Given the scale of this transformation and the huge number of actors in the modern world, international negotiations will become of great importance, serving as a resource for building a new political organization of the world.


Author(s):  
Emma Simone

Virginia Woolf and Being-in-the-world: A Heideggerian Study explores Woolf’s treatment of the relationship between self and world from a phenomenological-existential perspective. This study presents a timely and compelling interpretation of Virginia Woolf’s textual treatment of the relationship between self and world from the perspective of the philosophy of Martin Heidegger. Drawing on Woolf’s novels, essays, reviews, letters, diary entries, short stories, and memoirs, the book explores the political and the ontological, as the individual’s connection to the world comes to be defined by an involvement and engagement that is always already situated within a particular physical, societal, and historical context. Emma Simone argues that at the heart of what it means to be an individual making his or her way in the world, the perspectives of Woolf and Heidegger are founded upon certain shared concerns, including the sustained critique of Cartesian dualism, particularly the resultant binary oppositions of subject and object, and self and Other; the understanding that the individual is a temporal being; an emphasis upon intersubjective relations insofar as Being-in-the-world is defined by Being-with-Others; and a consistent emphasis upon average everydayness as both determinative and representative of the individual’s relationship to and with the world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
MARIETA EPREMYAN ◽  

The article examines the epistemological roots of conservative ideology, development trends and further prospects in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in other countries. The author focuses on the “world” and Russian conservatism. In the course of the study, the author illustrates what opportunities and limitations a conservative ideology can have in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in the world. In conclusion, it is concluded that the prospect of a conservative trend in the world is wide enough. To avoid immigration and to control the development of technology in society, it is necessary to adhere to a conservative policy. Conservatism is a consolidating ideology. It is no coincidence that the author cites as an example the understanding of conservative ideology by the French due to the fact that Russia has its own vision of the ideology of conservatism. If we say that conservatism seeks to preserve something and respects tradition, we must bear in mind that traditions in different societies, which form some kind of moral imperatives, cannot be a single phenomenon due to different historical destinies and differing religious views. Considered from the point of view of religion, Muslim and Christian conservatism will be somewhat confrontational on some issues. The purpose of the work was to consider issues related to the role, evolution and prospects of conservative ideology in the political reform of modern countries. The author focuses on Russia and France. To achieve this goal, the method of in-depth interviews with experts on how they understand conservatism was chosen. Already today, conservatism is quite diverse. It is quite possible that in the future it will transform even more and acquire new reflections.


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