The Mosul Dispute

1926 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quincy Wright

The Mosul dispute involved the disposition of some 35,000 square miles of territory with a population of about 800,000. Iraq’s claim to the territory had been substantially supported by the unratified Treaty of Sèvres, but no agreement being reached at Lausanne in 1923, the treaty there negotiated and later ratified provided for maintenance of the military status quo and submission to the League of Nations Council, if nine months further negotiation proved fruitless.

1971 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 75-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Rawson

If we remember anything about Cicero's political ideas, it is that he believed in the right and duty of the senate to exercise supremacy in Rome, but that he also advocated aconcordia ordinmi, an alliance between and recognition of the common interests of senators andequites, to whom property and thestatus quowere sacred. Closely connected with this is the idea of aconsensus omnium bonorum, a wider alliance to include most of theplebs, and Italy. In the service of this ideal of unity he believed that the conservative statesman should beconcordiae causa sapienter popularis, though he should consult the true interests of the people even more than their wishes; and that all government should be mild and conciliatory. These are the views by which we distinguish him from his more obstinate optimate contemporaries, above all Cato, who are less flexible, more rigidly reactionary. Although, since Strasburger's famous study ofConcordia Ordinum, students of Cicero ought to have been prepared to pursue some of these beliefs of his back into the Roman past, too many historians and biographers still give the impression that they were Cicero's own invention (and an unhappy and unrealistic one too, it is often implied). But this is rash. Cicero,pacesome of his detractors, was an intelligent man; but he was not a man of deeply original mind, as would be generally admitted. His greatness lay not in originality, but in the life and form that he could give to the Roman tradition, enriching or illuminating it, sometimes even criticising it, from his knowledge of Greek history and thought.We should be chary therefore of supposing that Cicero's political programme was wholly his own; and, where a programme on a practical level is concerned, we should probably look more closely for Roman than for Greek sources. The first place to search is of course in a man's immediate family background, its position, traditions and contacts. This is true of all ages and places; but it is especially true of Rome. In the recent and justified reaction against the idea of fixed family parties, allied to or warring with certain other families from generation to generation, we are in danger of forgetting that family tradition in a broad sense was often very important. Cicero explains in thede officiishow one should imitate not only themaioresin general, but one's ownmaioresin particular – thus successive Scaevolae have become legal experts, and Scipio Aemilianus emulated the military glory of the first Africanus.


Subject Outlook for the post-transition political system. Significance The August 7 constitutional referendum will be conducted under tightened controls on political organisation, making a 'yes' vote more likely. Although the Democratic Party criticises the draft for its attempt to return Thailand to a semi-authoritarian state, efforts by deposed former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's 'red-shirt' supporters to organise protests offer the only real opposition to the junta's plan. This struggle foreshadows the political system that is likely to emerge after the next parliamentary elections. Impacts Regulatory risk to investors post-transition would be limited: the military, the Democrats and the PTP are pro-business. China will not alter the status quo in its Thai relations, but will need to invest in building ties with the next monarch. Washington will tolerate most eventualities, except a violent crackdown against the military's opponents.


2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-115
Author(s):  
A. Sh. Abhari ◽  

The debate between political scientists about the "Arab Spring" revolutions is still escalating. Especially regarding the forces operating at the scene. Attempts by the military elite to retain power and try to maintain the status quo at any cost, leaving the doors wide open for foreign intervention The foreign interventions of countries that are trying to use the wave of the Arab spring to achieve their goals have especially complicated the situation in the Arab world. In this article I will try to shed light on some factors influencing the results of the “Arab Spring” revolutions.


Author(s):  
Jaime Kucinskas

This chapter traces the process through which contemplatives transformed Buddhist meditation into many contemplative subcultures to resonate with specific professional audiences in science, business, education, and the military. Contemplatives translated meditation into local vernacular languages, eliminated religious elements unlikely to resonate with targeted audiences, and adapted traditional religious goals of meditation to align with institutional aims. These translation processes created a variegated contemplative culture that was selectively coupled to match certain institutional structures and norms, while decoupled from other aspects of the institutional status quo in an effort to promote individual growth and broader change. The various forms of contemplative culture made the movement appealing to many audiences. While the wide variety of forms helped contemplative practice to spread widely and forestalled opposition from outsiders, the wide variety of forms also had shortcomings. Contemplative leaders lack of regulation over the dynamic processes altering their Buddhist-inspired practices, led to some cultural forms that failed to support their initial purposes and goals.


2012 ◽  
Vol 165 (3) ◽  
pp. 121-138
Author(s):  
Michał LUBICZ-MISZEWSKI

The Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic is a quasi-country not recognized by the international community. It constitutes de-jure a part of the Moldavian Republic. In 1992, as a result of a five month, victorious war with Moldavia, separatist Transnistria defended itself and in the following years strengthened its independence. After the end of the military part of the conflict, both countries maintained unfriendly relationships, and any political attempts to settle that conflict have so far been ineffective. It is mainly due to the Russian Federation supporting the separatist republic (the evidence of which is the presence of Russian military forces in Transnistria), the weakness of the Moldavian country and the interest of the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic to maintain the status quo.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 204-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew T. Little

This article proposes a theory of coups that centers around coordination and learning. The military is modeled as many officers who only want to join a coup if others join as well (i.e., coordination). If the current regime has survived past coup attempts, it is common knowledge that it is relatively strong (i.e., learning). Combining these effects, once the regime survives the first period, officers know that the regime is strong enough that they may refrain from staging a coup—regardless of how dissatisfied they may become with the status quo—under the mutually enforcing expectation that no other officer will rebel. The model has other equilibria where coup attempts can occur after the first period, allowing for more detailed empirical predictions. The analysis highlights several reasons why new regimes are prone to coups, but among regimes surviving the initial turmoil, structural factors that would seem to predict coup attempts can have an ambiguous effect. The model also makes novel predictions about how the “initial conditions” of a regime as well as what kinds of changes to payoffs affect the likelihood of coups.


Author(s):  
Pier-Luc Turcotte ◽  
Dave Holmes

Abstract Introduction Despite struggling to establish itself as an autonomous profession, occupational therapy remains extensively regulated and controlled by discursive authorities inside and outside the discipline. After overcoming the profession’s reformist ideals, the military governance that supported its rapid expansion morphed into civil institutions but both were based on similar grounds: occupational therapists should obey a strict set of rules while disobedience and dissent are consistently repressed or silenced. Objective The objective of this article is to deconstruct dominant (consensual) discourses that shape the status quo in occupational therapy and envision alternative paths for the development of the discipline. Method Drawing on the work of Erich Fromm and Jacques Rancière, we propose a (critical) theoretical analysis of the concepts of disobedience and dissensus as they apply to occupational therapists. Results The concepts of disobedience (Fromm) and dissensus (Rancière) can be used to revisit the consensus shaped by discursive authorities inside and outside occupational therapy and expose the political nature of such processes. We argue that remaining oppressive forces similar to those of a warfare regime persist in regulating occupational therapy practice and knowledge by enacting a form of ‘disciplinary propaganda.’ Rather than threatening the development of the discipline, disobedience and dissensus constitute critical responses to disrupt dominant discourses and give rise to healthier concepts. Conclusion The use of politically charged terms such as disobedience or dissensus can be seen as controversial and unsettling for a profession like occupational therapy but we believe they are necessary for the future of our discipline.


2020 ◽  
pp. 99-109
Author(s):  
Farid Shafiyev ◽  
Vasif Huseynov

The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict resolution process had experienced insurmountable deadlock due to the failure of the peace negotiations brokered by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk Group, co-chaired by Russia, France, and the United States since the mid-1990s. The so-called Velvet Revolution of Armenia in 2018 was unable to deliver any progress, although a breakthrough was expected of, and promised by, the new leadership of the country. This, coupled with the constant provocations of the military and political leaders of Armenia, aggravated the conflict and led to the outbreak of an almost full-scale war on September 27, 2020. The war changed the status quo and created an environment for the negotiated resolution of the conflict following the establishment of a humanitarian ceasefire in Moscow. Armenia’s subsequent violations of the ceasefire regime by targeting Azerbaijani civilians have, however, demonstrated that peace is likely to remain an inaccessible dream of the region’s people in the short to medium term.


2021 ◽  
pp. 58-97
Author(s):  
Keith Grint

This chapter concerns four mutinies that occur against the background of revolutionary times, when the status quo is under threat, the military subordinates are no longer willing to acquiesce quietly, and the establishment is in a high state of nervous anxiety. The first two mutinies, at Spithead and the Nore in 1797, shook the British Royal Navy to its core: in the face of revolutionary acts across the channel in France, the seamen at Spithead effectively stop working until their claims of better pay and conditions are met. Given the precarious nature of the British Admiralty and government at this time, the mutiny is a success, but the consequences for a very similar mutiny just weeks later at the Nore are catastrophic for the mutineers as the British establishment unveils the mailed fist that it had been unable to deploy at Spithead. A few months later, in the same year, the crew of the Hermione undertake one of the bloodiest mutinies in British naval history, but one aimed at disposing of the officers and escaping to foreign lands, not securing improved pay and conditions. Some of the mutineers disappear for good, while others are hunted down and executed in a show of terror as meticulous as the original mutiny. The final mutiny covered here occurs on the Russian ship the Potemkin in 1905. Once again, the action occurs against the background of revolutionary fervour, but the requisite political support remains inadequate and the mutiny ultimately fails.


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