Making Mindfulness Appealing

Author(s):  
Jaime Kucinskas

This chapter traces the process through which contemplatives transformed Buddhist meditation into many contemplative subcultures to resonate with specific professional audiences in science, business, education, and the military. Contemplatives translated meditation into local vernacular languages, eliminated religious elements unlikely to resonate with targeted audiences, and adapted traditional religious goals of meditation to align with institutional aims. These translation processes created a variegated contemplative culture that was selectively coupled to match certain institutional structures and norms, while decoupled from other aspects of the institutional status quo in an effort to promote individual growth and broader change. The various forms of contemplative culture made the movement appealing to many audiences. While the wide variety of forms helped contemplative practice to spread widely and forestalled opposition from outsiders, the wide variety of forms also had shortcomings. Contemplative leaders lack of regulation over the dynamic processes altering their Buddhist-inspired practices, led to some cultural forms that failed to support their initial purposes and goals.

Author(s):  
Antonio Badia

At the end of the Cold War, the intelligence situation (characterized in the past by a confrontation among equals and information scarcity) changed radically to the current situation of today, characterized as an asymmetric threat: On one side, there is still a nation, but on the other, there is a relatively small group of individuals brought together by a common ideology, usually with ethnic and religious elements. These individuals can only confront their opponent by using subterfuge, deception, and terrorist acts. They try to disguise their activities by infiltrating society at large and seeking refuge in anonymity. This kind of conflict has long been analyzed in the military literature under names like low-intensity conflict (LIC) or operation other than war (OOTW; for more on this perspective, the reader is referred to the classic work by Kitson, 1971). The task of the nations under terrorist threat is to detect the group’s individuals and their intentions before they can carry out destructive actions. For this, their intelligence services count with large amounts of raw data obtained from many different sources: signal intelligence, open sources, tips from informants, friendly governments, and so forth. However, this data is not always reliable and almost never complete, and the truly interesting events are usually to be found hidden among large amounts of similar looking facts. To deal with this situation, intelligence officers use sophisticated information technology tools. Several authors have pointed out that this task is not at all dissimilar from the task that strategists in business intelligence (BI) and knowledge management (KM) face: As in KM, in intelligence the challenge is that “the right knowledge must get to the right people at the right time” (Pappas & Simon, 2002). Therefore, intelligence experts may learn something from studying BI and KM, and their history and milestones, while business strategists may also be enlightened by the history and lessons of military intelligence (after all, military intelligence is an ancient discipline; in contrast, KM can be considered a newcomer). In this article, we describe the intelligence analysis cycle and compare it with the KM cycle (we assume the reader is familiar with KM, but not with intelligence tasks). We point out the similarities (and the differences) between the two, and highlight several ways in which military intelligence may benefit from the hindsights and techniques developed by KM practitioners. We also briefly describe tools and methods from military intelligence that KM practitioners may find illuminating. We close with a discussion of future trends and some conclusions.


1971 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 75-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Rawson

If we remember anything about Cicero's political ideas, it is that he believed in the right and duty of the senate to exercise supremacy in Rome, but that he also advocated aconcordia ordinmi, an alliance between and recognition of the common interests of senators andequites, to whom property and thestatus quowere sacred. Closely connected with this is the idea of aconsensus omnium bonorum, a wider alliance to include most of theplebs, and Italy. In the service of this ideal of unity he believed that the conservative statesman should beconcordiae causa sapienter popularis, though he should consult the true interests of the people even more than their wishes; and that all government should be mild and conciliatory. These are the views by which we distinguish him from his more obstinate optimate contemporaries, above all Cato, who are less flexible, more rigidly reactionary. Although, since Strasburger's famous study ofConcordia Ordinum, students of Cicero ought to have been prepared to pursue some of these beliefs of his back into the Roman past, too many historians and biographers still give the impression that they were Cicero's own invention (and an unhappy and unrealistic one too, it is often implied). But this is rash. Cicero,pacesome of his detractors, was an intelligent man; but he was not a man of deeply original mind, as would be generally admitted. His greatness lay not in originality, but in the life and form that he could give to the Roman tradition, enriching or illuminating it, sometimes even criticising it, from his knowledge of Greek history and thought.We should be chary therefore of supposing that Cicero's political programme was wholly his own; and, where a programme on a practical level is concerned, we should probably look more closely for Roman than for Greek sources. The first place to search is of course in a man's immediate family background, its position, traditions and contacts. This is true of all ages and places; but it is especially true of Rome. In the recent and justified reaction against the idea of fixed family parties, allied to or warring with certain other families from generation to generation, we are in danger of forgetting that family tradition in a broad sense was often very important. Cicero explains in thede officiishow one should imitate not only themaioresin general, but one's ownmaioresin particular – thus successive Scaevolae have become legal experts, and Scipio Aemilianus emulated the military glory of the first Africanus.


Subject Outlook for the post-transition political system. Significance The August 7 constitutional referendum will be conducted under tightened controls on political organisation, making a 'yes' vote more likely. Although the Democratic Party criticises the draft for its attempt to return Thailand to a semi-authoritarian state, efforts by deposed former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's 'red-shirt' supporters to organise protests offer the only real opposition to the junta's plan. This struggle foreshadows the political system that is likely to emerge after the next parliamentary elections. Impacts Regulatory risk to investors post-transition would be limited: the military, the Democrats and the PTP are pro-business. China will not alter the status quo in its Thai relations, but will need to invest in building ties with the next monarch. Washington will tolerate most eventualities, except a violent crackdown against the military's opponents.


Author(s):  
Roy Carr-Hill

BackgroundCensuses are meant to provide a complete count and basic information about all households and individuals in a country. After decades of complacency, it has begun to be realised that this can no longer be guaranteed. Several of the presentations at the Edinburgh in March 2018 demonstrated methods which the ONS were developing to resolve many of the problems; but those methods do not solve the problem of those who, for a variety of reasons, cannot or do not want to be counted. ObjectivesThis paper sets out to document the possible size of the ‘hidden’ populations in the UK and demonstrate that they are predominantly poor. Methods (including data)Estimates of the numbers are provided (globally and in the UK) in difficult-to-reach categories: homeless/street children, care homes/hospitals, military, prisons, refugees and illegal immigrants, gypsies/travellers, urban slums.With the exception of the military, the majority in each group are poor. FindingsThe paper then reviews approaches to counting and describing the various categories: grosso modo, those in institutions can already be headcounted but apart from relevant institutional status, gender and perhaps age, we have no other information about them; but the main problem is that, in many cases, there is potential double counting with their (temporarily) broken household. for both Refugees/ Illegal immigrants and Gypsy/ Traveller Population, the main problem is the reluctance of the former to complete forms or be interviewed and of the latter to acknowledge their own ethnic identity in high rise blocks where lifts are not always working, there will certainly be some unsurveyed and uncensored people; and the Grenfell Towers experience shows that there is not always a secure count of the numbers ConclusionsThe issue of ‘hidden’ or missing populations in the UK has to be taken much more seriously.


2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-115
Author(s):  
A. Sh. Abhari ◽  

The debate between political scientists about the "Arab Spring" revolutions is still escalating. Especially regarding the forces operating at the scene. Attempts by the military elite to retain power and try to maintain the status quo at any cost, leaving the doors wide open for foreign intervention The foreign interventions of countries that are trying to use the wave of the Arab spring to achieve their goals have especially complicated the situation in the Arab world. In this article I will try to shed light on some factors influencing the results of the “Arab Spring” revolutions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 ◽  
pp. 12003 ◽  
Author(s):  
N.F. Tagirova ◽  
E.I. Sumburova ◽  
Yu.A. Zherdeva

The research considers evolution of industrial development and the educational policy of Russia of the first third of the 20th century. The authors investigate interrelation between processes of concentration of production, labor and professional education at the stage of the ending second technological "Large wave" (industrialization). The study purpose is to consider transformation of the system of higher business education as a social project of a new era – the era of mass production, mass labor and mass education. The research objectives are: to determine industrialization processes of production and society of Russia in 1890s-1930s, to define massification tools in the early Soviet epoch, to analyze experiments in the sphere of higher business education in Russia in 1918-1932. Research methodology consists of proceedings of Carlota Pérez and comparative historical analysis of industrial and educational changes. The main research results is justification of the “military-revolutionary” stage of industrialization in Russia, which was followed by social experiments in the sphere of higher business education that in the late twenties was replaced by “accelerated socialist” industrialization with mobilization planning and unidirectional specialized planned economic education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 51-73
Author(s):  
Vinay Kaura ◽  
Aparna Pande

The emergence of the religious right-wing as a formidable political force in Pakistan seems to be an outcome of direct and indirect patronage of the dominant military over the years. Ever since the creation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in 1947, the military establishment has formed a quasi alliance with the conservative religious elements who define a strongly Islamic identity for the country. The alliance has provided Islamism with regional perspectives and encouraged it to exploit the concept of jihad. This trend found its most obvious manifestation through the Afghan War. Due to the centrality of Islam in Pakistan’s national identity, secular leaders and groups find it extremely difficult to create a national consensus against groups that describe themselves as soldiers of Islam. Using two case studies, the article argues that political survival of both the military and the radical Islamist parties is based on their tacit understanding. It contends that without de-radicalisation of jihadis, the efforts to ‘mainstream’ them through the electoral process have huge implications for Pakistan’s political system as well as for prospects of regional peace.


1926 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quincy Wright

The Mosul dispute involved the disposition of some 35,000 square miles of territory with a population of about 800,000. Iraq’s claim to the territory had been substantially supported by the unratified Treaty of Sèvres, but no agreement being reached at Lausanne in 1923, the treaty there negotiated and later ratified provided for maintenance of the military status quo and submission to the League of Nations Council, if nine months further negotiation proved fruitless.


2005 ◽  
Vol 44 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 473-520
Author(s):  
Gerónimo de Sierra

In Uruguay, the development and institutionalization of the social sciences have been relatively delayed compared to other countries of the region. This fact contrasts with the socio-economic and sociopolitical development of the country, as well as with that of the professional branches of university education. The so-called formal foundational process of the social sciences effectively began in the 1970s, especially in history, economics and sociology. Political science and anthropology began to take shape only after the return to democracy in 1985. The military coup (1973-85) caused an interruption in the institutional status of the social sciences but did not entirely dismantle them. These sciences continued to develop in independent research centers, often receiving external funds. The exchange with foreign academic centers, especially the CLACSO and FLACSO nets, was germane to the process. With the return of democracy, the institutionalization process of the social sciences resumed and the link between the pre-dictatorship and post-dictatorship generations in these fields became more apparent. Simultaneously, the labor market for social scientists broadened and diversified.


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