The African Standpoint

Africa ◽  
1935 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruno Gutmann

Opening ParagraphThe State in its essential nature is power. Its character is determined by the force with which it asserts its distinction from neighbouring states, by its dealing with the organic bonds in which the life of the people finds expression, and by its success in absorbing into and developing within its own structure the underlying spirit of those bonds. The origin of the State's consciousness of power lies at the point in the interlacing roots of tribal organization where the tension between associations based on kinship and those based on age brings about a change of balance, and leadership begins to pass to the latter, the age-class becoming a warrior class which outgrows the clan and subjects kinship-groupings to its own leaders. Once this change in leadership has taken place, that is to say, when no longer the spirit of the clan but the spirit of the age-class becomes dominant, then, by reason of the resulting tightening-up of the forces of war and of expansion, it is only a question of time before the age-class associations pass into a system of vassalage, with leaders who emerge from the age-grade system and acquire an authority more or less political in character. With the individualization of the leadership goes the differentiation of function in the State, which is first required in the organization of the army. Henceforward the tasks in the service of the State are no longer dependent on a man's place in the tribal organization, but upon accomplishments which can be learned. To acquire these forms of skill, to become proficient in their use and to obtain the advantages secured by them becomes an absorbing task which is pursued in common and given stability by associations for the purpose. This is the birth of organization. Without such organizations the State cannot take form, for they alone ensure to it the concentration of the primitive forces of the tribe for the accomplishment of the aims of the State. Thus these organized associations become agencies to develop and foster the consciousness of statehood. The tribal community consciousness which still persists in the organic tribal relationships and in their leadership systems is gradually, under the absorptive power of the new state-consciousness, forced back into the realm of mere emotion and habit and finally deprived entirely of its spiritual leadership. So that what is in reality the starting-point of man's spiritual existence, namely, his membership of an organic and tribal order of society, comes to be regarded as something purely natural and as the sphere of the instinctive preservation of the species.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Lusy Liany ◽  
Ely Alawiyah Jufri ◽  
Mohammad Kharis Umardani

Abstrak: Pancasila bagi masyarakat Indonesia bukanlah suatu hal yang baru dan asing. Pancasila terdiri dari lima sila yang tertuang dalam Pembukaan UUD 1945 Alinea ke-IV dan diperuntukkan sebagai dasar negara Republik Indonesia. Di Indonesia, pelaksanaan  pendidikan nasional diatur dalam UU No. 20 Tahun 2003 Tentang Pendidikan Nasional. Pasal 2 UU No. 20 Tahun 2003  menyebutkan bahwa: “Pendidikan nasional berdasarkan Pancasila dan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Pada saat ini Pancasila seiring dengan perkembangan dan perubahan zaman yang begitu pesat dan kompleks yakni di era globalisasi ini,moralsiswa-siswi Indonesia mulai dipertanyakan. Di tengah hegemoni media, revolusi iptek tidak hanya mampu menghadirkan sejumlah kemudahan dan kenyamanan hidup bagi manusia modern, melainkan juga mengundang serentetan permasalahan dan kekhawatiran terhadap kepribadian bagi seluruh bangsa Indonesia khususnya dalam hal ini para siswa-siswa. Untuk itulah, pemberian materi tentang nilai-nilai Pancasila kepada siswa-siswi mutlak diperlukan supaya para siswa-siswa agar dapat memahami nilai-nilai yang terdapat didalam Pancasila itu sendiri sehingga dapat menerapkannya dalam kehidupan berbangsa,bernegara dan bermasyarakat.Abstrak: Pancasila for the Indonesian people is not something new and unfamiliar. Pancasila consists of five precepts contained in the 1945 opening paragraph of all IV and designated as the foundation of the Republic of Indonesia. In Indonesia, the implementation of national education stipulated in Law No. 20 Year 2003 on National Education. Article 2 of Law No. 20 of 2003 states that: "The national education based on Pancasila and the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945. At this time Pancasila along with the development and the changing times is so rapid and complex that in this era of globalization, moralsiswa-Indonesian student was questioned. In the center of media hegemony, a revolution in science and technology is not only able to present a number of conveniences and comforts of life for modern humans, but also invited a spate of issues and concerns about the personality of the people of Indonesia, especially in this case the students. For this reason, the provision of material about the values of Pancasila to students is absolutely necessary in order for the students to understand the values contained in Pancasila itself so that it can apply in the life of the nation, the state and society.


Africa ◽  
1943 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Jeffries

Opening ParagraphAs one walks by a great river on a windy day, the surface of the water is tossed about in all directions and it is impossible to discern the flow of the current. Yet undisturbed by this superficial agitation the mighty stream rolls on. So, underlying the storm-tossed surface of present discontents there is a surge of the human spirit towards a new conception of the State as an instrument for giving practical effect to the collective will of the people.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yogeswaran Subramaniam

<em>Orang Asli, the Indigenous minority of Peninsular Malaysia, continue to face formidable challenges in realizing their rights as distinct Indigenous peoples despite being ascribed a measure of constitutional and statutory protection. With reference the 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People and various international definitions of ‘Indigenous peoples’, this paper examines the impact of the term ‘Orang Asli’ on the Orang Asli struggle for the recognition of their rights as Indigenous Peoples. The term ‘Orang Asli’, an officially-constructed term to describe heterogeneous groups of people considered to be ‘aboriginal’, has since gained acceptance by the people categorized as such and has been used to advocate their rights as Indigenous peoples with relative success. However, the term carries legal implications which continue to place Orang Asli ethnicity and identity under the protection and equally, the control of the state. The extensive legal powers possessed by the state are arguably inconsistent of international norms on Indigenos rights and can additionally function as a tool to deny Orang Asli their attendant rights as Indigenous peoples. More importantly, the continued existence of these powers potentially functions to reinforce existing domestic challenges that Orang Asli face in finding their rightful place as distinct Indigenous peoples in the light of: (1) competing notions of Indigeneity vis-à-vis ethnic Malays; (2) historical discrimination against Orang Asli that continues to persist; and (3) Indigenous rights being construed as a possible hindrance to national economic prosperity. A possible starting point for the reconciliation of these matters may be to legally clarify the term ‘Orang Asli’ in a manner that sustains and respects the Orang Asli community as distinct Indigenous peoples while not threatening the existing special constitutional position afforded to ethnic Malays.</em>


Africa ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 2-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Middleton

Opening ParagraphThis paper deals with certain aspects of a Christian congregation in a kingdom of southern Ghana, in particular its growth over the past 150 years and the part it plays in the lives of the people of the capital town of the state. Most studies of the development of Christianity in Africa deal with questions of religious ideology (especially that of the conflict between different systems of belief), of conversion, and of the growth of syncretist and separatist movements. Here I am concerned with the development of a Christian congregation that is neither syncretist nor separatist and with its place as one element of a total local religious system which includes other faiths. It is the local congregation of the Presbyterian Church of Ghana in the town of Akuropon, the capital of the eastern Akan kingdom of Akuapem, in the Akuapem Hills that lie some twenty-five miles north of Accra, the national capital. The state has a resident population of about 70,000 and the town one of some 6000. However, the number of people who, wherever they live, regard themselves as Akuroponfo, ‘people of Akuropon’, probably amounts to some 20,000. Those who live elsewhere return to the town when they can at weekends, Christmas, Easter, and the great annual purificatory festival of Odwira, held in September or October; and most hope finally to return to their ‘home-town’ (as it is known in Ghana) to be buried. Although not a large town, it is known widely as the seat of the main educational facilities of the Presbyterian Church since the arrival of the Basel Mission in the then Gold Coast in 1828. Due largely to this fact it has provided more than its share of political, educational and other leaders of Gold Coast and Ghanian society.


2021 ◽  

What is a state? This volume approaches the question from an anthropological perspective, which means that the starting point of the analysis is not the concept of the state, but instead, what kinds of structures the state consists of, what kinds of effects these structures have, and how states are experienced by the people who inhabit, make, enact, and resist them. The volume introduces a contemporary anthropological approach to the study of the state for a Finnish-speaking audience. This new approach examines the state as a diverse, socially and culturally constructed phenomenon that varies in time and place. Additional aims of the volume are to introduce and translate concepts from political anthropology to the Finnish language, and to make anthropological analyses of the state known to other disciplines that study the state and to the general Finnish-speaking public. Covering a wide variety of ethnographic contexts examining both the effects of the state and the state-like effects of other institutions, the volume contains case studies from Brazil, Uganda, Papua New Guinea, Madagascar, Finland, Bolivia, Cuba, Egypt, Fiji, Solomon Islands, and Ghana. A theoretical introduction presents the development of anthropological thinking with regard to the state and state-like institutions. An afterword reflects on the contribution of the volume in light of the ethnographic context of Indonesia.


Africa ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. G. Marwick

Opening ParagraphThis article attempts to carry further the discussion of some aspects of the issues of the analysis of relations between African traditional thought and Western concepts of causation presented by Robin Horton (1967) in earlier articles in this journal. It will also be clear to some readers that its title has been inspired by the theme of Sir Karl Popper's two-volume work, The Open Society and Its Enemies, which first appeared in 1945. In this work Popper makes a systematic attack on modern totalitarians and their predecessors, and in so doing contrasts two types of societies, ‘the open society’, which is the ideal aspired to by liberal democrats, and ‘the closed society’, which he equates with tribalism; and it is to a form of this tribalism, he contends, that the totalitarians would have us return. Popper belongs to a long line of thinkers, including philosophers, lawyers, economists, and sociologists, who have used tribal or so-called primitive man—or rather their conceptions of him—as a means of illuminating their analysis of the problems of society in general and of modern society in particular, and in so doing have often raised the hackles of social anthropologists, who, by virtue of having lived in non-literate societies, tend to consider themselves the profession most likely to know something about the people whom their social-science colleagues cite with deceptive facility. It so happens, I believe, that Popper's conception of tribal or primitive man implied in his picture of ‘the closed society’ is much nearer the mark than, say, Hobbes's picture of man in ‘the state of nature’ or of Rousseau's idea of ‘the noble savage’.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 186-193
Author(s):  
REN YANYAN ◽  

The friendship between nations lies in the mutual affinity of the people, and the people’s affinity lies in the communion of hearts. The cultural and humanities cooperation between China and Russia has a long history. In recent years, under the role of the“Belt and Road” initiative, the SCO, and the Sino-Russian Humanities Cooperation Committee, Sino-Russian culture and humanities cooperation has continued to deepen. Entering a new era, taking the opportunity to promote Sino-Russian relations into a “new era China-Russia comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership”, the development of human relations between the two countries has entered a new historical starting point, while also facing a series of problems and challenges. This article is based on the current status of Sino-Russian human relations in the new era, interprets the characteristics of Sino-Russian human relations in the new era, analyzes the problems and challenges of Sino-Russian human relations in the new era, and tries to propose solutions and solutions with a view to further developing Sino-Russian cultural and humanities relations in the new era. It is a useful reference, and provides a reference for future related research, and ultimately helps the Sino-Russian cultural and humanities relations in the new era to be stable and far-reaching.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-115
Author(s):  
Munawir Munawir

Non-Muslim leadership becomes a problematic issue in the context of inter-religious relations in Indonesia, especially for Muslims in conducting religious-social-political relations with non- Muslims. The problematic position of this non-Muslim leadership issue is the state constitution allows but the religious constitution (based on the textuality of the Qur'an) forbids. How does M. Quraish Shihab respond as well as answer the problematic of the people in the case? It is this core issue that will be tested by the answer through this research. Using the descriptive-inferential method and the philosophical-historical approach (philosophical and historical approach), the conclusion that M. Quraish Shihab in interpreting the verses (ban) of non-Muslim leadership (Surat al-Maidah: 51, QS Ali 'Imran: 28, and QS al-Mumtahanah: 1) is contextual, or in other words, the verses are understood to be sociological and not theological. Therefore he allows non-Muslim leadership as long as the non-Muslims are not of a hostile group of Islam, even he does not allow the leadership of a Muslim if a Muslim is actually injurious Islam and harms the interests of Muslims.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.


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