Social Movements, Political Institutions, and Public Policies on Violence Against Women

2017 ◽  
pp. 138-164
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Policies

Two Theories of Effective Government

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Lindvall
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Precise Definition ◽  
Policy Changes ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter introduces the problem of “reform capacity” (the ability of political decision-makers to adopt and implement policy changes that benefit society as a whole, by adjusting public policies to changing economic, social, and political circumstances). The chapter also reviews the long-standing discussion in political science about the relationship between political institutions and effective government. Furthermore, the chapter explains why the possibility of compensation matters greatly for the politics of reform; provides a precise definition of the concept of reform capacity; describes the book's general approach to this problem; and discusses the ethics of compensating losers from reform; and presents the book's methodological approach.

Political and Social Implications

2020 ◽  
pp. 247-255
Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Multiple Dimensions

Chapter 19 considers the political and social consequences of violence against women in politics. The implications of these acts reach far beyond their effects on individual victims, harming political institutions as well as society at large. First, attempting to exclude women as women from participating in political life undermines democracy, negating political rights and disturbing the political process. Second, tolerating mistreatment due to a person’s ascriptive characteristics infringes on their human rights, damaging their personal integrity as well as the perceived social value of their group. Third, normalizing women’s exclusion from political participation relegates women to second class citizenship, threatening principles of gender equality. The chapter concludes that naming the problem of violence against women in politics thus has important repercussions along multiple dimensions, making the defense of women’s rights integral to the protection of political and human rights for all.

An Expanded Vision

2020 ◽  
pp. 36-45
Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Female Journalists ◽  
Politically Active

Chapter 4 notes that the concept of violence against women in politics—as it has emerged—has largely been restricted to actions perpetrated against women in elections and/or within formal political institutions. During this same period, however, parallel campaigns have emerged to draw attention to violence committed against women human rights defenders and against female journalists. Observing that these efforts take up highly similar issues concerning violence as a barrier to women’s participation in the political field, the chapter advocates joining these various streams to forge a more comprehensive concept of violence against women in politics, underscoring continuities across challenges faced by politically active women of all types.

Nexus Politics

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 56-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Flinders ◽  
Matthew Wood
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Research Agenda ◽  
Sociological Theory ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Governmental Institutions ◽  
Tribal Politics

Existing research on alternative forms of political participation does not adequately account for why those forms of participation at an “everyday” level should be defined as political. In this article we aim to contribute new conceptual and theoretical depth to this research agenda by drawing on sociological theory to posit a framework for determining whether nontraditional forms of political engagement can be defined as genuinely distinctive from traditional participation. Existing “everyday politics” frameworks are analytically underdeveloped, and the article argues instead for drawing upon Michel Maffesoli’s theory of “neo-tribal” politics. Applying Maffesoli’s insights, we provide two questions for operationally defining “everyday” political participation, as expressing autonomy from formal political institutions, and building new political organizations from the bottom up. This creates a substantive research agenda of not only operationally defining political participation, but examining how traditional governmental institutions and social movements respond to a growth in everyday political participation: nexus politics.

Food Movements Oscillating Between Autonomy and Co-Production of Public Policies in the City of Madrid

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marian Simon-Rojo ◽  
Inés Morales Bernardos ◽  
Jon Sanz Landaluze
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Food Policy ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Alternative Food ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Alternative Food Movement ◽  
The City ◽  
Food Movement

In the aftermath of the economic crisis in the city of Madrid, food geography transformed. The urban unemployed began to engage in agriculture in periurban areas, creating new alliances between producers and consumers. Over a period of 15 years the alternative food movement organized on the fringe gave way to agroecological civic platforms that are highly assertive, and a dialogue with political institutions has opened. A key moment in the advance of this proactive attitude came about in the municipal elections of May 2015. Activists ascended to positions of political power and the backdrop of the Milan Urban Food Policy Pact, created an opportunity for the food movement to move from protest to program, and public policies permeated by agroecological principles.

Ecuador’s Social Movements, Electoral Politics, and Military Coups

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Becker
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Poverty And Inequality ◽  
High Degree ◽  
Latin American Countries

In the 200 years since Ecuador gained independence from Spain in 1822, it has experienced many of the social problems that have plagued other Latin American countries. Ecuador experienced a high degree of political instability during the 19th century, and a series of extra-constitutional and military governments marked much of the 20th century. At the dawn of the 21st century, Ecuador followed the rest of Latin America’s “pink tide,” which introduced progressive governments that sought to address long-standing problems of poverty and inequality. The country has endured numerous coups, caudillo and populist leaders, and forms of government ranging through conservative, liberal, populist, military, and civilian “democracy.” The diversity in political institutions led the political scientist John Martz to observe that Ecuador, although little studied among scholars of Latin American issues, “serves as a microcosm for a wide variety of problems, questions, and issues relevant to various of the other Latin American countries.” Despite a high degree of political instability, the country is also home to very strong popular movements that opened up space for the election of the left-wing government of Rafael Correa in 2006. His administration resulted in a remarkable shift from a period of extreme instability to political stability, with notable gains in economic growth and corresponding drops in poverty and inequality. Scholarly research on Ecuador has often reflected the country’s current political environment. In the 1950s, in the midst of the emergence of populist politics, researchers defined the country’s landscape in terms of its personalist leadership, particularly as represented by the perennial leader José María Velasco Ibarra. In 1972, General Guillermo Rodríguez Lara led a military coup that removed Velasco Ibarra from office. In the midst of a petroleum boom, he established a nationalist regime similar to that of Juan Velasco Alvarado in neighboring Peru. A massive Indigenous uprising two decades later introduced a generation of studies that examined ethnonationalist-based social movements. Those movements led to Correa’s election in the midst of a broader turn to the left in Latin America, which once again influenced the direction of investigations.

Why No Mayan Party? Indigenous Movements and National Politics in Guatemala

2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (03) ◽  
pp. 117-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Pallister
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Institutional Environment ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Local Level ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Indigenous Groups ◽  
Indigenous Social Movements

AbstractUnlike indigenous social movements in several other Latin American countries, Mayan movements in Guatemala have not formed a viable indigenous-based political party. Despite the prominence of the Mayan social movement and a relatively open institutional environment conducive to party formation, indigenous groups have foregone a national political party in favor of a more dispersed pattern of political mobilization at the local level. This article argues that the availability of avenues for political representation at the municipal level, through both traditional political parties and civic committees, and the effects of political repression and violence have reinforced the fragmentation and localism of indigenous social movements in Guatemala and prevented the emergence of a viable Mayan political party. The result has been a pattern of uneven political representation, with indigenous Guatemalans gaining representation in local government while national political institutions remain exclusionary.

scholarly journals Continuum de la violencia: un desafío para las políticas públicas

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Cecilia Barraza Morelle
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Family Violence ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
State Policy ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Gender Mainstreaming ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
Las Mujeres

Resumen: Esta ponencia plantea el problema de laviolencia contra las mujeres en el contexto de las políticaspúblicas para mujeres el municipio de Cali, desdeel enfoque de derechos humanos. Se advierte que esfundamental la participación de la sociedad en la definiciónde las políticas públicas, puesto que el fin últimode las políticas públicas es transformar la sociedad, paralo cual se plantea la meta de transversalizar el género enla administración. Se presenta el panorama de laviolencia intrafamiliar y sexual mediante datos forenses.Se reconoce la incidencia del conflicto armado enColombia, así como la existencia de una brecha considerableentre el reconocimiento formal de los derechosde las mujeres y el ejercicio real de éstos. Finalmente, seconcluye que se deben diseñar políticas que cumplancon cuatro condiciones: continuas en el tiempo, integrales,enmarcadas en una política de Estado, e insertasen esfuerzos de construcción de paz y democracia parael conjunto de la sociedad.Palabras clave: Violencia contra las mujeres, violenciasexual, violencia intrafamiliar, políticas públicas,transversalización de género.Abstract: This presentation focuses violence againstwomen in the context of public policy for women in Califrom a human rights approach. The participation ofsociety as a whole in defining public policy is seen asfundamental, sin its ultimate end is to transform society,which necessitates the goal of gender mainstreaming. Thepanorama of family and sexual violence is presentedthrough forensic data. The incidence of the armed conflictin Colombia is important, and there is a considerablegap between the formal acknowledgement of women’srights and their enjoyment by women in reality. Finally,it is concluded that public policies to be designed shouldfulfill four conditions: they must be continuous, integral,framed in a State policy, and in efforts for the constructionof peace and democracy for society as a whole.Key Words: Violence against women, sexual violence,family violence, public policy, gender mainstreaming.

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