scholarly journals The EU’s Humanitarian Policy in Africa and Migration Crisis

Author(s):  
M. A. Kukartseva

The article considers the essence and peculiarities of realizing of human security in the EU external policy in general and specifically in Africa. The article reveals the principles of the EU interest in Africa as a focus of their humanitarian policy: phantoms of the collective memory of the political class of Western European countries, huge potential of resources and markets, migration and terrorist threat. It is argued that this policy is considered by the EU as its strategic foreign policy narrative, in the course of which the Union, while ensuring the security of the African continent, primarily realizes its own interests. Specific features of the interpretation of this narrative in official documents of Germany as a key member of the EU are specified. It is revealed that Germany aims to play a major role in shaping European policy towards the African continent, and the specificity of its approach is economic-centric, which distinguishes it from the EU’s general approach to Africa. The key question of the article is how is disinterested Germany’s role, despite its permeation with the spirit of liberal values as a supplier of human security to African countries. It is shown that the discrimination of refugees and migrants in migration flows in the EU emphasized the importance of the Union’s activities in ensuring human security in Africa. In accordance with its goal to become the leading actor of the EU policy on the continent, its role as a leader of the liberal world and the peculiarities of the consequences of the migration crisis for the political and party system of the country and the stability of the social state, Germany proposed the German “Marshall Plan” for Africa as a concretization of its humanitarian policy on the continent. The parameters of this Plan, its advantages and implementation difficulties are considered. It is concluded that the Germany’s approach to Africa, on the whole, indisputably contributes to the latter’s development. At the same time, it is to a large extent focused on solving the tasks of ensuring national security of Germany itself, promoting the interests of German business, creating new German “reserves” in Africa through the African partnership. In this bi-directional process there is no obvious contradiction, but the results of this process can become ambivalent.

2021 ◽  
pp. 33-57
Author(s):  
Bela Y. Zhelitski ◽  

Following a brief description of the unprecedented waves of migration flowing into Europe from the Middle East and Africa, the author analyses the migration policy of the European Union and Hungary's attitude towards this policy between 2014 and 2019. The study centers on the positions, views, and specific actions of the leadership of the European Commission and the political class of Hungary, as well as the relations between them. The main approaches of the parties towards solving the problems of the migration crisis and the differences between them on key issues of migration policy, which at times turned into confrontations between Budapest and Brussels, are shown. Particular attention is given to the circumstances that led to the EU migration crisis.


2020 ◽  
pp. 136346152093092
Author(s):  
G. E. Jarvis

Jean Raspail’s controversial 1973 novel The camp of the saints predicts mass migration to Europe that will destroy European civilization. Decades later, the book has accurately predicted the hundreds of thousands of refugees arriving in Europe annually, prompting a continent-wide crisis. From Lesbos and Lampedusa to the Canary Islands and Calais, no one seems to know how to stem the flow of humanity. Borders are being resurrected, despite Schengen and European Union (EU) agreements, in an effort to control the movement of populations. European governments disagree on how to proceed and some are suggesting that the EU could be torn apart by differing approaches to the problem. But does this have to be the response to the migration crisis? This paper compares the predictions of The camp of the saints to events in Europe today and critiques the book’s conclusions with regard to what is an ancient phenomenon: movements of migrants from surplus to deficit labor settings. The paper will also evaluate the response to migrants in the United States under its populist president, Donald Trump, and will review related issues in other parts of the world: Turkey, Russia, and Canada. Contrary to Raspail’s predictions, world leaders will need to accept what has already become a de facto reality: large scale admission of migrants and refugees to the EU and North America, as full citizens, will be the only realistic way to preserve prosperity in the years to come.


2018 ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
Nataliya Khoma

The process of the formation of the party system of Cyprus was considered. The period from colonial to 1981 is covered. The factors that influenced the evolution of the parties of Cyprus, in particular the internal conflict, were underlined. Emphasizes the importance of the ethnic component of the population of Cyprus. The attention was paid to the role of the Orthodox Church in shaping the political system of Cyprus. The article analyzes the norms of the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus (1960) concerning political parties, in which the focus was on the parliamentary aspect of party activity. The role of Archbishop Makarios III, the first president of Cyprus, for the further evolution of the party system in the 1960–70s was revealed. Presented chronology of the appearance of the main parties of Cyprus and their participation in elections and coalitions. The article emphasizes that after the accession of Cyprus to the EU in 2004, the party system of the state is experiencing the trend of the newest European tendencies on the national party palette: the level of people’s confidence in the parties is decreasing, the party identity is blurred, the voter turnout is gradually decreasing, new types of parties are emerging, Radicalization is notable and so on. The party system of Cyprus is special, even if only within the EU there is a pro-communist party (Progressive Party of the Labor People of Cyprus), represented in the European Parliament, among the leading political forces. It was emphasized that the political parties of Cyprus until 1974 were purely electoral mechanisms. The new stage of development began with the stabilization of the post-colonial political system of Cyprus. At this time, the church lost its past influence, and the majoritarian electoral system alienated itself. This led to a new stage in the development of the party system in the late 1970s. It is noted that the determining factor was the transition to a proportional electoral system and the introduction of mandatory participation of voters in the vote. It was emphasized that these legislative innovations became important factors in the development of the modern party system of Cyprus. Since that time, the Cypriot parties have become more independent and united in the coalition.


Author(s):  
Ilda Rusi

The process of European Union membership is a national objective, in view of the democratization and transformation of the Albanian society, in accordance with the values and principles of the United Europe. This sentence is taken from the Official Site of the Prime Minister of Albania. This message but expressed in other words seems to be there standing since 1992, when in Albania for the first time was articulated the desire for national integration of the country. After more than twenty years, the question that concerns me mostly is that why my country is not part of the big European family? What happened in these twenty-two years to prevent this process or to accelerate it? The first thing that comes to my mind after the last rejection candidate status on December, last year, is that this is a promise that none of the Albanian government has not yet managed to achieve. On my opinion, this process is strictly associated with the willing of all determinant political actors to collaborate and to manifest democratic political culture through dialogue. European integration is a slogan used in every political campaign, as a key element of the political agenda all political parties but in. It helps a lot during the electoral campaign but unfortunately we are still waiting for. Thus, I think that the integration process is not related only to the Albanian desire for participating in the EU, but mostly to the political class attitude. It is true that every time that the government does not achieve the candidate status, the political parties to blame each other for retarding the integration process. Even though, different scholars emphasize the role of EU in the process of integration, I believe that the country's democratization is a process strongly related to the political elite performance and the way they manifest politics. Albanian political class must admit that the real problem in this process is the way that it makes politics and how it makes political decision. In this article, I argue that the European integration is a process which can be successful only if all political parties in Albania understand that this is an obligation that they have with Albanian citizens and that cannot be realized if all of them are not committed to. This ambitious goal can be achieved only when the EU priority reforms are going to be established and in Albania there are going to operate functional and free institutions based on meritocracy and democratic system of operation far away from politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 59-67
Author(s):  
Gulnara I. Gadzhimuradova ◽  
Sofia R. Kerimova

The article analyzes the consequences of the 2014-2016 migration crisis in Spain. Today the migration crisis in Europe is far from being resolved. Every day hundreds of people from Africa, Asia and America move here hoping for a better life. The Mediterranean route used by migrants passes through Spain. The country has faced a record increase in migration flows from African countries and has found itself in a difficult situation. On the one hand, the state protects migrants’ rights; on the other hand, the refugee influx and a sharp increase in the level of illegal migration have become destabilizing and dangerous factors in the country’s politics. Consequently, the European migration crisis affects the country’s political life and causes divisions and confrontations between various political parties and resentment among the native population. The authors make an attempt to show the political consequences of the migration collapse in Spain.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (01) ◽  
pp. 1950003
Author(s):  
AUGUSTIN IGNATOV

The European Union (EU) has certainly reduced its influence in the global economic affairs. Despite the fact that it unites 28 nations, including the former great powers such as the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy, the political and economic power of the community has considerably decreased starting with the second half of 2000s. The present research is undertaken with the aim of increasing the readers’ awareness regarding the necessity of enforcing the EU economic security through consolidating the authority of the supranational bodies in relation with national representatives. The objectives to be reached in this regard include assessing how much the governance efficiency alternations among the EU member countries influence the efficiency of the single market in a globalised society. It was found that several processes determined the decline of Europe’s strength including raising globalisation and increasing competition, economic weaknesses of the EU which worsened during the crisis, stagnation of the integration process, feeble leadership and lack of resoluteness, especially in the most developed EU nations, declining adherence to “core” values, migration crisis, little political commitment to protecting EU’s citizens’ interests, and countries’ individualism in promoting key initiatives.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-301
Author(s):  
Leonhard den Hertog

This article explores the role of funding under the ‘Mobility Partnership’ (mp) concluded between the European Union (eu), various Member States and Morocco. As most academic literature and policy discourse assumes a link between funding and policy implementation, this article enquires into how funding can help us understand implementation and the priorities set therein, and what alternative understandings of funding we could develop. By presenting evidence from the eu-Morocco mp, it is argued that looking at eu funding obscures rather than clarifies the priorities pursued in the cooperation on borders, asylum and migration. Drawing from the political sociology of public finances and from legal literature, this article understands funding as embedded in institutional, legal and political struggles over competences, and highlights the symbolic nature of funding.


Author(s):  
E. V. Ananieva

In the 1960s after the collapse of the colonial empire, the European direction became more important for Britain than relations with overseas territories. For Britain membership in the EEC and subsequently in the EU was a forced measure for the lack of an alternative. Britain gained a strong position in the integration group, but became “an inconvenient partner” in it, demanding special conditions. In the country there was a constant interand intra-party struggle on the “European question”. Eurosceptics were concerned about the country’s loss of national sovereignty and identity, dissatisfied with the social model of the EU in the spirit of social democracy. Euro-optimists considered self-isolation from the continent as disastrous for the country. The logic of integration led to deepening not only economic cooperation, but also political, which caused the rise of europetceptism in Britain in the conditions of the economic crisis of 2008- 2009, the crisis of the Eurozone and the migration crisis. Against this background, Prime Minister D. Cameron was forced to hold a referendum on Britain’s membership in the EU. The results of the referendum on Britain’s membership in the EU demonstrated a split in society: just over half of the British voted for the country’s withdrawal from the EU. The country is divided on social, age, and regional grounds. Not only socially vulnerable, but socially prosperous sections of the population voted for Brexit. As a result of globalization, the former concern immigration, the latter – the shift of economic power to the East. The political consequences of Brexit are serious. The political consequences of Brexit are serious. Scotland, having voted for the EU, is aiming to hold a new referendum on independence, Northern Ireland is wary of closing the border with Ireland. In the political arena, the struggle between eurosceptics and euro-opportunists did not stop, prompting the replacement of the leader and the Prime Minister (Conservative Party) and the aggravation of the crisis in the Labor Party. The successor of D. Cameron as head of the cabinet, T. May had to announce early parliamentary elections, hoping to strengthen the position of the ruling party and supporters of its line on the eve of difficult negotiations on the conditions for Britain’s withdrawal from the EU. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-96
Author(s):  
Vasiliy Rudolfovich Philippov

The subject of this study is the competitive relations in the political and economic spheres that have developed on the African continent in the 21st century between the French Republic and the People’s Republic of China. The author focuses on the main conflict-generating factors that caused the latent confrontation between the two countries that arose in the face of a changing geopolitical situation in the world in general and in Africa in particular. The methodological basis of this study is the comparative historical method; the work is based on the principles of historicism, reliability and scientific objectivity. Using the method of historical reconstruction allowed the author to trace the dynamics of relations between France and China over the past two decades. The work is based on the study of factual historical material, a chronicle of the events of the last decade; analytical materials published on the pages of French and Russian mass media were used. The author concludes that the basis of the conflict between Paris and Beijing lies in the desire of the Champs Elysees not only to preserve the political, economic and military-strategic preferences of France in the countries that were formerly colonies of the French Empire, but also to protect French interests in the English-speaking countries of East Africa. The rapid growth of China’s influence on the African continent, the ever more obvious expansion of the Heavenly Empire into the economies of African countries, forces France to change the paradigm of its foreign policy. If the predecessors of E. Macron, denying in words the policy of “Françafrique”, relied on the use of military force and covert operations of the French security services then the current head of the Fifth Republic in his relations with African countries prefers to use his resources on “soft power” politics. The experience gained by E. Macron during his first (not very successful) African tour in 2017 prompted him to change the tone of communication with the leaders of African countries from patronically arrogant to friendly and trusting.


2019 ◽  
pp. 64-73
Author(s):  
Olga Kulkova

The article is one of the first in the African Studies in Russia, which aim is to analyze the possibilities of cooperation between the European Union and China and India in their African policies at the present stage. The article also explores the prospects and problems for the triangular cooperation between the EU, China/India and various African states. The research shows that for some regions of Africa the EU is not already the first major trade partner – now China occupies this place. India is also a significant partner for the continent. As a range of African countries showed high levels of economic performance during the last decade, their dependence from the EU development assistance diminished. This tendency forces the EU to reconsider its mechanisms of interaction with these African countries on the new basis. European researchers used to view China (and less – India) as competitors for the EU on the African continent, but in recent years, a new trend appeared – to learn from the Chinese and Indian experience in Africa and to search for the areas where there might be a prospect for collaboration, dialogue, joint projects. The author gives real examples of this growing trend. The EU now sees China as a partner and a responsible actor in order to promote the development of African countries and strengthen their security. The development of trilateral relations between the EU, China/India and Africa is a bright example of the new European strategy aimed at the interaction with the emerging economies. The article uses comparative method of research – it compares African policies of the EU, China and India by the major indicators (level of trade and investments with Africa, areas of cooperation, big projects etc.). The author also applies qualitative methods of analysis. Author shows that European policy towards Africa becomes more pragmatic and business-oriented. In this direction, there are many spheres in which European, Chinese and Indian private sector could cooperate in Africa. There are already first examples of such cooperation. However, the EU also pursues – with ambivalent results – the high-level political dialogue with China and India on the issues related to Africa. Author concludes that EU as a traditional actor of international politics responds to changes in the global balance of power by building new strategic relations on the African continent with the emerging powers – both China and India and “African lions”.


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