From the Outbreak of War in July 1914 to the Genoa Conference, 1922

Author(s):  
Volker R. Berghahn

This chapter examines the state of American and European economies during the outbreak of World War I until the Genoa Conference was convened in 1922. It first considers the military–political origins of the war before analyzing the role the international business community played at the time of the war's outbreak. Hereafter the chapter focuses on the American perspectives, as it studies the ambiguities of American neutrality, the state of the American economy and its eventual entry into the war, and the beginnings of a strain on the Anglo-American relationship at the Paris Peace Conference. The chapter then returns the focus to the international stage as postwar reconstruction begins, highlighting the attempts at European recovery and the role of American businesses in these endeavors.

2020 ◽  
pp. 25-41
Author(s):  
Rebecca Ayako Bennette

This chapter gives a broad overview of developments within the main areas of psychiatry, the military, and pacifism and provides the necessary background to understand the conditions prevailing in Germany leading up to 1914. It highlights the rising fortunes and expanding purview of psychiatry in the decades before World War I and references the limits of describing the trends as medicalization. It also explores the general prestige of the military and the role of pacifism in imperial German society. The chapter looks at August Fauser and Erwin Ackerknecht's estimations of psychiatry around 1900, which inhabited opposite ends of the opinion spectrum. It analyses attitudes toward the insane that had been lumped with the larger category of the poor over the nineteenth century.


1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Coogan ◽  
Peter F. Coogan

The role of the British cabinet in the Anglo-French military conversations prior to the First World War has been and remains controversial. The acrimonious debate within the government during November 1911 seems linked inextricably to the flood of angry memoirs that followed August 1914 and to the continuing historical debate over the actions and motivations of the various ministers involved. Two generations of researchers now have examined an enormous body of evidence, yet the leading modern scholars continue to publish accounts that differ on the most basic questions. Historians have proved no more able than the ministers themselves were to reconcile the contradictory statements of honorable men. The persistence of these differences in historical literature demonstrates both the continuing confusion over the cabinet's role in the military conversations and the need for a renewed effort to resolve this confusion.The starting point for any discussion of the staff talks must be the recognition that the meaning of the term changed significantly over the nine years before the outbreak of World War I. The contacts began with a series of informal discussions between senior British and French officers during 1905. The first systematic conversations took place early in January 1906 under the authority of Lord Esher, a permanent member of the Committee of Imperial Defence (CID), and Sir George Clarke, the CID secretary. Later in that month a small group of ministers, including Prime Minister Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, sanctioned formal, ongoing exchanges between the two general staffs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-116
Author(s):  
Priest Georgii Bezik ◽  

The article is devoted to the consideration of the role of military priests during World War I. The starting points are the assertions that with the arrival of Christianity on the territory of Russia, the state power received a powerful tool of patriotic education, motivation and stimulation for the processes of defending a civil position during hostilities during various years in opposition to an external enemy, a mechanism for calling not only military intelligentsia, but also ordinary citizens and ordinary soldiers to fight for the Motherland, family, and Russian land. However, today among modern researchers there is no single point of view regarding the role of military clergy in World War I, and the opinions of researchers about the importance of the military clergy in this historical period differ dramatically. On the basis of the analysis, it was found that the participation of the military clergy in the context of World War I had both positive and negative factors of influence on maintaining the fighting spirit, patriotic mood, dedication and desire to protect the Motherland at all costs among members of the army of the Russian Empire. Despite the presence of a complex of negative tendencies in the influence of the clergy during World War I, which was due to a combination of additional external and internal factors of the disintegration of the institution of the clergy at that time, one cannot deny the invaluable contribution of the military clergy to Russia’s achievements in World War I.


1993 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 207-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jena M. Gaines

The years that followed the return of Alsace and Lorraine to France after World War I proved that reunion was a complicated and painful process. The potential for misunderstanding, if not outright conflict, between Alsatians and French policy-makers was from the outset grossly underestimated by virtually everyone on both sides. Alsatians saw no incompatibility between the wish to preserve their regional cultural personality, or particularism, and their loyalty to France. The believers in the ‘Republic one and indivisible’, however, did. The preservation of Alsatian particularism, especially in language and religion, was regarded by French politicians as the perpetuation of German cultural and political influence. The end of the armistice celebrations and the introduction of a transitional administration brought the realisation that the cultural gulf between France and Alsace, widened by years of separation following the Treaty of Frankfurt of 1871, could not be legislated away. With few exceptions, the people on both sides of the Rhine who welcomed the end of the annexation had assumed that the commitment to reunion was sufficient to make it a success.1 This belief was nowhere more rapidly disproven than in the matter of religion. The enforcement of French legislation ending the role of the state in overseeing the congregations became the flash-point between the Catholic majority in Alsace and the Third Republic.


Author(s):  
Melvyn P. Leffler

This chapter argues that elite factions of the American business, banking, and farm sectors grasped that war debt payments were intimately related to the controversies over German reparations, the restoration of European currency stability, the promotion of American exports, the alleviation of unemployment, and the revival of agricultural prosperity. In short, they were far from ignorant about the needs of European reconstruction after World War I. The chapter studies the origins of war debt legislation in a microscopic way. In doing so, it reveals the complexity of the policymaking process and the diversity of motives bearing on decision-makers. Here, the chapter demonstrates the role of business and economics in the making of U.S. foreign policy, as well as the pluralism within the business community, the messiness of the legislative process, and the salience of organizational pressures within executive branch departments.


2015 ◽  
Vol 84 (4) ◽  
pp. 828-862 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Mislin

During World War I, American political, military, and religious leaders sought to foster the view that protestants, Catholics, and Jews were equal stakeholders in society. Crucial in shaping the embrace of this “tri-faith” ideal were leading members of all three traditions, who used their connections to the federal government to ensure that many facets of national life reflected this new conception of the nation's religious character. The military chaplaincy put these ideals into practice, and interfaith activity became commonplace in the army. Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish chaplains worked closely together, and provided pastoral care or offered religious rites to wounded and dying soldiers from different faith traditions. This article examines how the wartime break from political and social normality, the desire to project a particular image of the nation abroad, and Americans' firsthand encounter with religion in Europe all contributed to idealizations of the inclusive nature of American civil religion during World War I. Yet, as this essay demonstrates, the transitional nature of wartime culture and the strong role of the federal government in fostering these values prevented this outlook from firmly taking root. The experience did, however, provide a critical precedent for subsequent idealizations of a protestant-Catholic-Jewish nation.


2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Ball

After World War I, the nonferrous metals trade played a critical role in Britain's preparations for a future European war. Yet it has attracted little attention. The British Metal Corporation (BMC) was formed at the end of the Great War as a state-sponsored corporation to conduct the development of the nonferrous metals industry on behalf of the British state. This article uses the papers of the BMC to explore the politics of a strategically vital trade, the functioning of the British state's institutional memory, and the role of business in appeasement and rearmament. It concludes that the state-sponsored corporation was, on balance, an effective strategic instrument. Although politics, trade, and strategy proved difficult to reconcile with one another, the pursuit of profit did not dictate business attitudes toward Nazi Germany in the 1930s.


Author(s):  
Matthew Smallman-Raynor ◽  
Andrew Cliff

In the previous chapter, we looked at the main trends in morbidity and mortality in civil populations since 1850. In this chapter our focus shifts to the military. An invaluable recent source of information on this topic is Lancaster (1990: 314–40) who gives a disease-by-disease account of morbidity and mortality among soldiers from the seventeenth century. Until the twentieth century, soldiers were lucky to survive military medicine. Basic treatments included the cauterizing of wounds and the removal of limbs to prevent gangrene. The biggest early advances in military medicine came when doctors started to wash their hands. The role of Florence Nightingale in transforming the military hospitals during the Crimean War (1853–6), and her broader role in improving the welfare of the British Army, is legendary. Yet, notwithstanding the gigantic losses directly attributable to battle, up to World War I, most deaths in war among soldiers were caused by epidemic diseases like dysentery, enteric fever, cholera, typhus, plague, and simple infections like measles—the traditional killers encountered in civil populations. And, as with civil populations, the real advances in controlling these infections came with the development of antibiotics and vaccination after 1945. In this chapter, we begin by looking at mortality trends in a number of theatres of war between 1859 and 1914 using data from Curtin (1989). As a specific illustration of the role of one simple infectious disease, measles, as a cause of mortality in military camps during this period, we take the American Civil War (1861–5). By the end of World War I in 1918, the role of many infectious diseases as causes of military mortality and morbidity had changed from lethal to nuisance value. This shift is shown through an examination of the role of measles in World War I. After 1945, the use of antibiotics and the generalized availability of vaccination against most of the common infectious diseases ensured that the historic infectious diseases waned in their impact on military populations just as they did in civil populations. Again we use measles and the American army as examples to show these declining effects.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy W. Guinnane

Germany's cooperative movement grew and thrived from its inception in the late 1840s to World War I and beyond. Cooperatives were divided along several lines, and perhaps the most serious point of contention concerned the role of the state in the movement. Cooperative leaders in the two decades before World War I especially debated whether they should accept direct grants and subsidized credit from the Reich and the Länder. The several parts of the cooperative movement construed the question differently; much internecine conflict turned on the answers. The cooperative movement's historiography has largely framed the question as did Hermann Schulze-Delitzsch and other cooperative leaders opposed to state assistance. To him, the issue was whether cooperatives would be based on “self-help” or “state help.”


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